Senate Select Committee On Presidential Campaign Activities June 25 1973 2 2 Footage

Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 25, 1973 (2/2
This clip is not available for streaming at this time. Please contact WPA.	Tape Master:	10414
	Catalog #:	487467
	Clip Number:	487467-1
	Orginal Film:	112006
	Timecode:
	Location:	Caucus Room, Russell Senate Office Building
	Year Shot:	1973 (Actual Year)
	Audio:	Yes
	Color:	Yes
	Headings:	GOVERNMENT: Hearings, Watergate
	Description:	*SEE RESTRICTIONS FIELD OF RIGHTS SECTION* [00.21.42-MacNEILL in studio] MacNEILL states that this is the end of the longest day of the hearings thus far, and that the committee will no doubt spend many more hours questioning DEAN. All the leaked bombshells about NIXON'S involvement in the coverup were addressed, as expected, by DEAN. Also, some sidelines that may be lost for a while as the Committee concentrates on WHITE HOUSE involvement, including the charge that the judge of the DNC civil case against the Committee to Re-Elect agreed to cooperate with the White House, a charge denied by that judge. DEAN testified that WHITE HOUSE staff hotshots were spared the publicity of appearing directly before the Grand Jury, how other witnesses (SEGRETTI) were treated with kid gloves by the prosecutors, but forced to answer questions asked by curious grand jurors, Also recollections of how the WHITE HOUSE attempted to influence the ERVIN COMMITTEE, including Sen. BAKER, the ranking REPUBLICAN. BAKER has stated that DEAN'S recollections were "basically accurate". [01.22.45-cut to SEN. BAKER being interviewed by reporters] BAKER states that there is the WHITE HOUSE version of events and the version in DEAN'S recollection, and DEAN'S recollection is basically correct in the material details, including Wally Johnson's phone call to BAKER in Tennessee regarding WHITE HOUSE input in selecting minority counsel for the committee, a request that BAKER turned down. States that Mr. DEAN'S recollection of BAKER'S urging NIXON not to pursue EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE is basically correct, but he does not recall hearing NIXON state that he would only give written interrogatories for the committee to his staff, but beyond that, DEAN pretty much stated the situation as BAKER recalls it. [REPORTERS are very agitated, and want to find evidence of BAKER being in league with the WHITE HOUSE to derail the committee investigation] REPORTER asks BAKER if he can read a memo from HALDEMAN to DEAN, dated February 9, 1973. Memo reads in part: "Obviously the key on the ERVIN COMMITTEE is the minority staff, and most importantly, the minority counsel. We've got to be sure we get a real tiger, not an old man or a softhead. And although we let the committee membership slip out of our grasp, we've got to be sure we find a way to get the best man we can for counsel." REPORTER ask BAKER if that memo jibes with his recollection of WHITE HOUSE pressure on BAKER to choose a counsel. BAKER denies receiving pressure, states it was a simple request, which BAKER simply denied, and he has no further knowledge. Another REPORTER asks if BAKER thinks that they got "a real tiger or an old man" in reference to Fred THOMPSON. BAKER laughs and compliments THOMPSON'S ability in spite of his relative obscurity, states that he told NIXON that THOMPSON was "a tall, tough Tennessean who's going to do a real good job". [01.25.08-LEHRER IN studio] LEHRER introduces Stephen Hess and Jack Kramer as guest commentators. LEHRER asks KRAMER from a legal standpoint what does DEAN'S testimony do to NIXON. KRAMER states that for a criminal conviction, there must be proof of criminal intent and a criminal act. In this case, the crime at stake is obstruction of justice, and it would be necessary to show an intent to prevent prosecutors from getting information. If one believes DEAN, there are several factors which come into play. First, DEAN testified that NIXON had two conversations, one with EHRLICHMAN and one with COLSON about EXECUTIVE CLEMENCY for Howard HUNT. Second, DEAN said that NIXON said that he could find $1 million to pay the defendants to keep silent about the higher levels of the Watergate conspiracy. Other suggestions that NIXON was not openly admitting to being informed by DEAN about the coverup plan, i.e. in the resignation letter NIXON provided to DEAN to sign, KRAMER states that these things relate to the criminal act of OBSTRUCTION OF JUSTICE, but the second element, Criminal Intent, is significant. It seems that DEAN'S testimony raises questions about the PRESIDENT'S intentions, such as when NIXON claimed that the reference to paying $1 million was "a joke", and when he (out of tape recorder range, evidently) admitted that it was a mistake to promise clemency to HUNT, which raise doubts as to NIXON's intent to obstruct justice. LEHRER asks, of HESS, legal culpability aside, how NIXON stands with the public. HESS says that NIXON has to do something to respond to the serious charges by DEAN, or he may think that a low profile will serve him well, as evidenced by the BREZHNEV summit recently, that the powers of the Presidency are broad and that time will distract people from Watergate. Or maybe he will take a legalistic approach to rebut DEAN'S testimony, or a counterattack strategy against his opponents. Maybe NIXON will choose to extend a limited apology for failing to stop others from doing wrong. HESS states that he hopes for a forthright and honest address to the people from the PRESIDENT. MacNEILL asks KRAMER about DEAN'S credibility. KRAMER states that based on the previous testimony by MAGRUDER, DEAN'S testimony gets some corroboration, but other details will have to be corroborated piece by piece by further witnesses. The TAPE of DEAN'S conversations with NIXON will be critical if it can be obtained. MacNEILL states that this is similar to the allegations raised by McCORD, which represented a step into new territory in the investigation. KRAMER says he doesn't yet see any major inconsistencies with DEAN, although some may develop under questioning. HESS states that DEAN is an "attractive witness", after speaking for a long six hours and maintaining his composure, it will be hard to demonize DEAN on the basis of his self-presentation. LEHRER asks who on the committee can be expected to really go after DEAN in the questioning period, especially after DEAN'S testimony that the WHITE HOUSE considered Sen. GURNEY to be a STOOGE. HESS says he doesn't think DEAN'S in for an easy time from any Senators, but all the Senators have developed their own styles and there probably won't be any sharp deviation from those styles to question DEAN. LEHRER states that the next day will begin questioning of DEAN, with the Senators picking at the details of DEAN'S presentation. DEAN'S memory will be tested and challenged, and when the questioning is over, the public and the President will have to digest the testimony of John W. DEAN III, and decide whether to believe him. Perhaps at the late hour, all should go to sleep. Signs off. [01.31.12-title screen "SENATE HEARINGS ON CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES"-sponsor credits-NPACT credits-PBS network ID] [01.31.43-TAPE OUT]