[00.39.22] Senator TALMADGE. What was the President's reaction when you told him about the complicity of the, individuals in the, White House? Mr. DEAN. Well, I felt he had not gotten the. message that I -was trying to convey through to the President, and I think that the subsequent meeting that afternoon and the meeting the. next day with the President indicated to me that there was more concern about this committee and its hearings than doing anything- affirmative about What I told the President. In fact the strategy was then developing that John Mitchell should step forward and if he did that there would be lack of concern and interest in the postactivity as opposed to the preactivity and hopefully they would all go away. Senator TALMADGE. What did the President say -when you told him about these individuals? Mr. DEAN. About which individuals, Senator? Senator TALMADGE. 'Of you and Ehrlichman and Haldeman all being subject to indictment. Mr. DEAN. I don't recall the President's reaction as much as I recall Mr. Ehrlichman's reaction when he expressed displeasure. There was a general discussion, and I was at Just amazed at the discussion going on and I just kept shaking my head because, the President -would say to me "Do you agree with this?" And I would say "No, I don't," and finally I said "the reason I don't agree with this is because I think that Mr. Haldeman, Mr. Ehrlichman, and I are indictable for obstruction of justice,." Senator TALMADGE. Did the President seem surprised when you gave him this information ? Mr. DEAN. No, Sir, he did not. Senator TALMADGE. I believe at the same time he discussed with -you that he should not have, talked -with Mr. Colson about Executive clemency did he not ? Mr. DEAN. No, sir, that, -was a meeting--that occurred on two times. On March 13 when -he had asked me where, the pressure, was coming from for the money he told me about the fact that Colson had come. to see him despite Ehrlichman's instructions that 'he not do so, and be expressed an annoyance at that occasion. Then, on April 15 of this year at the very end of the conversation I remember very vividly the President getting, up out of his chair, walking behind 'the chair to the, corner and in a very audible, almost inaudible tone, turned to me and said, "I was probably foolish to talk to Colson about clemency for Hunt, wasn't I?" That, -was his statement. Senator TALMADGE. Now, to turn to another matter. Do you have any idea, why it -was you that Mr. Ehrlichman asked to check into the after the Watergate entrance? Mr. DEAN. I Would only assume because I had become the White House firefighter at that time, and I was given assignments of this nature whether It was the, as I say, the Lithuanian defector or any conflict of interest problem that came up. I investigated a lot of those. I dealt with all of the Presidential appointees before they were appointed to clear them for conflict, problems or any problem that came up, ,in any improprieties that had come, to our attention was sent to my office so -we could investigate them and find out. if they could be embarrassing to the President so it was very natural, of course, for it to come to me. Senator TALMADGE. Did you really believe Mr. Liddy when he told you that no one in the White House -was involved? Mr. DEAN. Well. given the nature of my statement, in reflecting back that time he did not, even mention to me Hunt's involvement, and how much Mr. Liddy would know about White House involvement in this I do not know. I think that he would only have probably hearsay knowledge from Mr. Magruder in his dealings with Magruder as to who in the White, House. would or would not be involved. I do not know what, dealings he had with the White House other than the dealings he had had with me. Senator TALMADGE. Let us see if I have the sequence on the immediate aftermath of the break-in correct now. Immediately upon your return to Washington after the break-in in June., you saw Mr. Liddy, whom you knew had provided massive intelligence plans to Mr. Mitchell, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. Well. Sir, I will give you the sequence. As I arrived back on Sunday night the 18th. I was informed by my assistant that McCord had been arrested, one of the individuals arrested and that one of the Cubans had a check from 'Mr. Hunt. The next morning I had a conversation -with Mr. Caulfield. who repeated the same thing to me. I then had a call from Mr. Ehrlichman or I had a call from Mr. Magruder who told me that this whole thing is Liddy's fault and I should look into it. I then had a call from Mr. Ehrlichman who, I reported to him that this was, had been, told me and he said "I think you ought to meet with Liddy." I then -met with Mr. Liddy about noon and he gave, me his report. It was in that afternoon that 'Mr. Strachan came into my office and told me that he had been instructed by Haldeman to destroy documents. [00.44.32]

Hiroshima One Year Later Newsreel about the effects of the atom bomb on Hiroshima. MS/CUs Japanese engineers measuring radiation. MSs burn victims, child getting head bandaged by nurse. This is NOT the gruesome stuff seen in other documentaries that depict the total devastation & torturous physical condition that so many people were left in. TLS/MSs Japanese students in classroom one year after the blast.TLS/MSs hordes of people riding a trolley. Most of this footage is overexposed or just poorly transferred. VO: "...it's message of doom to an empire. Heat traveling at the speed of light cast a shadow over Hiroshima and over the land of the rising sun. These films, taken by the Japs & confiscated after the armistace tell a dramatic story of destruction & terror that followed in the wake of the first atom bomb loosed over a military target. 30% of the city's population was killed, some by radioactive gamma rays & others by the heat of radiation that showed its intensity in many freakish ways. And this is Hiroshima one year after (children at work in schoolroom). The release of these films by the United States Strategic Bombing Survey coincides with anniversary of the blast which hastened the end of the war. They show Hiroshima bearing the scars of atomic energy, still a city of rubble and destruction. A life of bare essentials is the lot of the little men who dreamed of world rule & ended up as host to Uncle Sam's occupation army. The trolleys are running but a year later it's still a city of the dead. First victim of the atom bomb."

[00.44.32] Senator TALMADGE. You knew, of course, that Mr. Liddy had previously presented massive intelligence plans to Mr. Mitchell, I believe You were there on two occasions? Mr. DEAN. Yes I was. Senator TALMADGE. Then you testified that 'Mr. Strachan told --- Mr. DEAN-. Senator, I might correct that they were massive on the, first, occasion and a very tailored-down version On the second and. I must say I was very late in attending the second meeting and The meeting was shortened after I arrived. Senator TALMADGE. Each meeting was scaled down further? Mr. DEAN. That is right. Senator TALMADGE. Intelligence plan. Then Mr. Strachan told you that Mr. Haldeman ordered him to go through Mr. Haldeman's files and destroy materials which included documents relating to wiretap information from the Democratic National Committee is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. Then you told 'Mr. Ehrlichman about the meetings with Liddy and Mitchell and about your subsequent conversations with Mr. Haldeman, and Mr. Ehrlichman's reaction in a meeting which _Mr. Colson attended, was to tell you to get Liddy to have him tell Hunt to get out of the country. is that correct? Mr. DEAN. Well, you are, tying two meetings together Senator. I might straighten that out for you. The meeting I reported to Ehrlichman was in midafternoon and Mr. Colson was not present. I was reporting my meeting with Liddy at, that, point, I did not discuss -with him the facts that Strachan had brought to my attention because I assume he was aware from his conversations with -Mr. Haldeman that that, in fact, had occurred. He, told me to come back to a meeting later that evening with Colson. He said he -was aware of the fact that Colson wanted to meet with him and I should be present at that, meeting. Senator TALMADGE. Then shortly thereafter Mr. Ehrlichman told you to throw the contents of Hunt's safe in the river, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Well, he told me I should throw the briefcase in the river and he told me to shred the documents. [00.46.27-a big question about the logic of DEAN'S statement is addressed-it all is dependent on the facts of lines of communication and authority in the White House whether this is believable] Senator TALMADGE. -Now, after all of those facts occurred, were available to you, why did you not, as counsel to the President go to him at that time and tell him what was happening? Mr. DEAN. Senator, I did not have access to the. President. I never was presumptuous enough to try to pound on the door and get in because I knew that just did not work that way. I know of efforts of other White House staff to get in. I have seen. for example one of the reporters sitting in this room, Mr. Mallenhoff, memorandums he tried to send in to the President and they are just blocked when you try to send information in. Senator TALMADGE. You mean you were counsel to the President of the United States, and you could not get access to him if you wanted to, is that your testimony? Mr. DEAN. No, Sir, I thought it would be presumptuous of me -to try, because, I felt. I was told my reporting channel was Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman and I was reporting everything I knew to them. Senator TALMADGE. It Seems like to me after finding evidence of a conspiracy of this magnitude it -was incumbent upon you as counsel to the President to make every possible effort to see. that he got that information at that time. Mr. DEAN. Senator I was participating in the coverup at that time. Senator TALMADGE. -Now, another question. When you met with Attorney General Kleindienst on the 19th and 20th of June, I believe, there you told him you had no idea there 'would be a break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters Did you tell him about the meetings of January 27 and February 4, 1972. with 'Mr. Liddy and Mr. Magruder and Mitchell during, when buggings were considered? Mr. DEAN. No, sir, I did not, Senator TALMADGE. Why did you not tell him at that time? Mr. DEAN. Because I knew that would put him in a position that he Would have to pursue his investigation that way, and 'Mr. Kleindienst had told me when we talked generally, in very broad generalities about the thing that he said he would never sit in the Attorney General's Office and prosecute Mr. Mitchell and I did not want to put this On Kleindienst at this point in time. Senator TALMADGE. In other words, you were still participating In the coverup. Mr. DEAN. Well, this -meeting had occurred on. the 19th or 20th. Senator TALMADGE. Yes. Were you chosen to tell Mr. Kalmbach, Mr. Mitchell, Ehrlichman and Haldeman wanted him to raise money to pay for The silence Of the Watergate defendants? Mr. DEAN. Well, I became the courier of good and bad news between the committee, concerning what, each quarter was doing concerning the coverup. I think that occurred for this reason: One, Mr. Mitchell had known me -and trusted me, with this type of information and, Haldeman and Ehrlichman knew and trusted me. There was a--particularly after--this reporting requirement or requirements. this reporting scheme, developed very early on. Ehrlichman and Mitchell, I would have to say, had a rather strained relationship and this made it convenient to avoid some of those strains, and there was also a longstanding competition between Mr. Mitchell and certain persons in the White House so that this made it convenient, they didn't -want to deal with one another so I was the convenient vehicle to deal with. [00.49.52]

The 720 Pound 20 Year Old! Newsreel about 20 yr old Robert Earl Hughes of Bayless, Illinois, who weighs in at 720 lb. MSs grotesquely obese Robert Hughes waddling out of shack home, using cane for balance; his parents follow him out. MS mother Georgia Hughes holding his disgustingly fleshy upper arm to show how large he is. MS/CUs tape measurer around his waist, measuring 109 inches. MS Georgia holding up six yards of material sewn together into a jacket. MS two of Robert's brothers holding up a pair of his overalls, each one climbing into a trouser leg. MS huge Robert standing next to his brothers wearing the overalls. MCU chickens pecking; MS Robert feeding chickens. MS Robert walking with a small boy away from camera.

U.S. Coal Strike (Head clog renders the first few seconds of footage virtually useless.) MS United Mine Workers of America President JOHN L. LEWIS posing for photographs on patio, walking down steps toward car. TLS Municipal Court building, American flag hanging from front; MS sign: "Municipal Court Criminal Division." MSs pressmen taking still photographs, flashbulbs snapping. MS unidentified man getting out of car outside courthouse, posing for press (lackluster image quality makes it hard to ID). MS UMWA President John L. Lewis getting out of car outside courthouse, walking slowly, deliberately with cane in hand. Nice Ms several newsreel cameramen with short reel cameras filming, panning left. CU John L. Lewis wearing fedora, looking grim, somber. MS press corps outside courthouse.

[00.54.06] Senator TALMADGE. Did Mr. Haldeman have direct access to the President? Mr. DEAN. Indeed he did, sir. Senator TALMADGE. Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. DEAN. Yes, he did. Senator TALMADGE. Mr. Colson? ? Mr. DEAN. Yes, he did. Senator TALMADGE. Mr. Mitchell Mr., DEAN. I don't believe that Mr. Mitchell had any dealings with the President. to my knowledge other than one or two social visits in Florida with him from the time he left the campaign until the meeting that occurred on June 22, I know they had sort of a good chat about what ever everyone had been doing at that time, very social chat at the end of the meeting. I was asked by the President to make arrangements so Mr. Mitchell Could use his outer office in the Executive Office Building and while I was doing that they were having a chat about what was happening among some of the partners. I know also that the President stopped in his old law firm at one time, but I think these were strictly social dealings. Senator TALMADGE. That was March 22, I believe, rather than June 22? Mr. DEAN. Yes, excuse me, March 22. Senator TALMADGE. Mr. Kalmbach had immediate access to the President? Mr. DEAN. No sir. Senator TALMADGE. He did not. Mr. DEAN. Not to my knowledge. I think the President periodically called Mr. Kalmbach when he had some specific item he wanted to take up regarding the residence in California. I was often the conveyor of information to Mr. Kalmbach for the President and these requests had come to me from Haldeman or Ehrlichman They dealt with the personal side of the President's business. I think that--I don't know of other than social gatherings, White House dinners or the like, where Mr. Kalmbach might have been present. I know his partner, Mr. DeMarco, and I would always take the tax return in to be signed and those -would be rather mechanical sessions so I can't say that Mr. Kalmbach had access to the President, no. Senator TALMADGE. What was Mr. Mitchell's relationship to the President, the same-was it the same over the entire period that you were at the White House? Mr. DEAN. I don't really know. I know that Mr. Mitchell and the President had frequent contact. I can recall while I was at the Department of Justice and I would be in the Attorney General's office and the President -would call him. I know Mr. Mitchell -would have no hesitation to pick up the phone and call the President. I know that Mr. Mitchell attended a number of meetings with the President, private meetings, on a regular basis while he was still Attorney General. I was also told they had a number of evening meetings and some planning for the campaign as they moved toward a campaign and I often thought back to a comment that I was told when I was first interviewed at the Pierre Hotel to come to the Department of Justice that Kleindienst told me that this Attorney General will probably be as close to this President as Robert Kennedy was to President Kennedy. Senator TALMADGE. And throughout your statement you indicated that you met with or were ordered to work with either Mr. Haldeman or Mr. Ehrlichman. What was the relationship between you and these advisers? Mr. DEAN. Well, I would report, to them or get assignments from them. Senator TALMADGE. What -was their relationship between themselves? Mr. DEAN. I think that Mr. Ehrlichman and Mr. Haldeman have a relationship that goes back a number of years from college days. They were good friends. They were very close, they -worked very well together. I think that, of course, that Mr. Ehrlichman dealt more with substantive matters whereas Mr. Haldeman dealt with procedural matters at the White House. I think Mr. Haldeman from time to time would make substantive suggestions but he would restrain himself because of the mere mechanics of keeping an operation of the dimension dimensions of a Presidency going. Senator TALMADGE. Did they keep each other informed as to what they were doing? Mr. DEAN. I would assume they did, yes. I would say, you know, on selected areas, I would not say that Mr. Ehrlichman -would tell everything to Mr., Haldeman he was planning on in a, given area of domestic policy. He would go directly to the President on that. Senator TALMADGE. Do you have a copy of your exhibit No. 26 before you? Mr. DEAN-. I do not have the exhibit. Senator TALMADGE. I Will ask the staff to please hand you one. It is an interesting document and I would like to have your comment on it. Do you have it now ? [00.59.01]

Reel on passage of Taft-Hartley anti-labor bill over Truman's veto; VO narr; Picketers; cars with banners from Labor protesting Taft-Hartley; President Harry S.Truman aides in piles of mail; Truman address explains his veto; WS House of Representatives. Republican Senator Robert Taft says Truman is trying to use scare tactics to keep Labor's support and suggests that Unions are too powerful; Democratic Senators who tried to filibuster the veto override including Claude Pepper; signing of Taft-Hartley into law; WS Capitol building. The super pro-big business Taft Hartley Act limited the power of unions in several ways - -made them liable to breach of contract damages after disputes, mandated a 60 day cooling off period for strikes, outlawed the closed shop, allowed the government to enforce an 80-day injunction against strikes that were determined to endanger the national health or safety, outlawed political contributions by unions and even required union leaders to take non-Communist oaths!

"This fascinating documentary chronicles Lenin's activities in Switzerland, designing and preparing for the proletariat revolution in Russia. Lenin laid the groundwork for the Bolshevik party during his residences in Switzerland, mostly Geneva and Zurich, spending his waking hours in Swiss libraries, frequenting cafes, and forming his theses which would be introduced to the world in his books 'One Step Forward, Two Steps Back' and 'Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism'. He developed his ideology, and strategies for the revolution, with the help of international socialist thinkers, who attended conferences held by Lenin in remote areas of the country, The Czar's secret police monitored Lenin's activities. He managed to lead the revolution from a Swiss residence, corresponding by letter 300 times a month with Russian Revolutionaries, until the people called for him to come home." Russian Revolution, Communism.

[00.59.01] You will note that it is on White House stationery dated January 2. 1973, a very brief and to the point: To* John Dean. From: Charles Colson. Now what the hell do I do? Tell us the significance of that. [Laughter.] Mr. DEAN. Attached to that, there was a very small memorandum or note in the corner. Attached to the letter Is the part of the exhibit, It is a letter from Howard Hunt to 'Mr. Colson. This came to me while I was--to my attention while I was, on a telephone conversation with 'Mr. Colson and having just returned from California I had a conversation with Mr. O'Brien in the evening of the 2d of January concerning Mr. Hunt's status and his desire to plead guilty and to get assurances for Executive clemency. I had a call from Mr. O'Brien the next morning on the same subject, had had a call from Mr. Colson, who told me Mr. Bittman was trying to reach me. He asked me if I had seen letter and I said I had not. and while we were talking, I dug the letter out of my mail. As a result of this letter and our conversation he asked me, he was indicating that he didn't still--he still wanted to keep at arm's length from Mr. I Hunt. He had throughout the matter tried to keep at arm's length to Mr. Hunt. I told him I would have to talk to Mr. Ehrlichman before I could make any suggestion. I went to told him the situation and Mr. Ehrlichman told Mr. Colson he thought he ought to meet with 'Mr. Bittman mad subsequently they did meet. Senator TALMADGE. Now, Will you look of exhibit No. 34-7 that you Inserted in your testimony yesterday, It is also an interesting document. As I recall your testimony as you presented that yesterday, it is a list of all of the people that you thought had violated the law and what the laws may be that they violated, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is Correct. Senator TALMADGE. Let us start with the top of the list. now, That is in your own handwriting, is it not? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. This is a copy thereof? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. What is the significance of the letters in The top left-hand part of that sheet? Mr. DEAN. The list is broken down into two parts, Senator. One says "pre" and the other is "post.'! Senator TALMADGE. By "Pre" you mean Prior to the Watergate break-in? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. The planning and discussion of those events? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. And You list in that category Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Magruder, and Mr. Strachan, Is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. Now, you have a star by Mr. Mitchell's name and no star by Mr. Magruder. Mr. DEAN. Maybe if I explain the whole list, it would save some questions for you. Senator TALMADGE. Surely. Mr. DEAN. I have listed for pre: Mitchell. Magruder Strachan, post: Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Dean, LaRue. -Mardian, O'Brien, Parkinson, Colson, Bittman, Kalmbach, Tony--I have by that the word "source." I will explain that in a minute; Stans. Now, beside several of the names, after I did the list--just my first reaction was there certainly are an awful lot of lawyers involved here. So I put, a little asterisk beside each lawyer, which was Mitchell, Strachan, Ehrlichman, Dean, Mardian, O O'Brien, Parkinson, Colson, Bittman, and Kalmbach. Then I put, as we were discussing the development of the list, the evidence that I knew sort of firsthand or had reason to believe that others had firsthand evidence of, that I thought that a very strong case might be made against. The ones that I was not as sure about ,were those I put a question mark on, This was just something I -was working out in my own mind in a discussion I had with my lawyer as a result of discussions he had also had with some of the prosecutors. Senator TALMADGE. Any significance to the star? That they are all lawyers? Mr. DEAN. -No, that was just a reaction myself, the fact that how in God's name could so many lawyers get involved in something like. this? Senator TALMADGE. What do the checkmarks indicate on the left-hand side of the paper? Mr. DEAN. I do not know. Senator TALMADGE. NOW, you have, parentheses there and some other things there. I presume--what is that language on the right? Mr. DEAN. That is because I had had earlier discussions with Mr. Ehrlichman---- [01.04.28-tape out]

The CBS Morning News with MIKE WALLACE. The story of a 16 year old boy, THOMAS RAVINSON, who tried to hijack a commercial jet en route from New Orleans to Miami. With two handguns Ravinson attempted to reroute the plane to Cuba so that he may join the fight against Castro's communist forces. Instead he was subdued by several passengers--some of whom happened to be NASA scientists on the Gemini project-- but not before putting six bullet holes into the floorboard. MS's of police investigators checking out the holes; CU's of the bulletholes. MS's of Ravinson being led through a Lousiana federal building by two FBI field agents. CU interviews of the scientists talking about what happened.

Car Stunt Car drives up a ramp and jumps over a small building.

138-17 Low angle shot of firemen cmoing into site of fire (30:49 - 31:00) 138-20 CU rafters burning (31:01 - 31:17) 138-24 Firemen in station in discussion (31:20 - 31:26) 138-32 Men in room (31:29 - 31:36) 138-28 Man at switchboard (31:40 - 31:42) 138-25 POV thru fire chief's car (31:45 - 31:55) 138-29 MS fireman at switchboard (31:58 - 32:06) 138-36 MS of man at switchboard pan down to men at chart (32:09 - 32:38) 138-33 CU firemen's legs walking (32:31 - 32:34) 138-11 fire cottage burning with inserts (32:38 - 33:15) 138-4 MS firemen fight fire with hose (33:18 - 33:31) 138-34 Fire engine thru street (33:34 - 33:37) 138-7 Fire engine out of station and by camera (33:41 - 34:00) 138-6 Fire engine run by (34:05 - 34:21) 138-9 Fire engine to scene, firemen out of engine

[00.02.00-In to DEAN testifying] I had a call from Mr. O'Brien the next morning on the same subject, had had a call from Mr. Colson, who told me Mr. Bittman was trying to reach me. He asked me if I had seen letter and I said I had not. and while we were talking, I dug the letter out of my mail. As a result of this letter and our conversation he asked me, he was indicating that he didn't still--he still wanted to keep at arm's length from Mr. I Hunt. He had throughout the matter tried to keep at arm's length to Mr. Hunt. I told him 1 would have to talk to Mr. Ehrlichman before I could make any suggestion. I went to told him the situation and Mr. Ehrlichman told Mr. Colson he thought he ought to meet with 'Mr. Bittman mad subsequently they did meet. Senator TALMADGE. Now, Will you look of exhibit No. 34-7 that you Inserted in your testimony yesterday, It is also an interesting document. As I recall your testimony as you presented that yesterday, it is a list of all of the people that you thought had violated the law and what the laws may be that they violated, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is Correct. Senator TALMADGE. Let us start with the top of the list. now, That is in your own handwriting, is it not? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. This is a copy thereof? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. What is the significance of the letters in The top left-hand part of that sheet? Mr. DEAN. The list is broken down into two parts, Senator. One says "pre" and the other is "post.'! Senator TALMADGE. By "Pre" you mean Prior to the Watergate break-in? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. The planning and discussion of those events? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. And You list in that category Mr. Mitchell, Mr. Magruder, and Mr. Strachan, Is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator TALMADGE. Now, you have a star by Mr. Mitchell's name and no star by Mr. Magruder. Mr. DEAN. Maybe if I explain the whole list, it would save some questions for you. Senator TALMADGE. Surely. Mr. DEAN. I have listed for pre: Mitchell. Magruder Strachan, post: Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Dean, LaRue. -Mardian, O'Brien, Parkinson, Colson, Bittman, Kalmbach, Tony--I have by that the word "source." I will explain that in a minute; Stans. Now, beside several of the names, after I did the list--just my first reaction was there certainly are an awful lot of lawyers involved here. So I put, a little asterisk beside each lawyer, which was Mitchell, Strachan, Ehrlichman, Dean, Mardian, O O'Brien, Parkinson, Colson, Bittman, and Kalmbach. Then I put, as we were discussing the development of the list, the evidence that I knew sort of firsthand or had reason to believe that others had firsthand evidence of, that I thought that a very strong case might be made against. The ones that I was not as sure about ,were those I put a question mark on, This was just something I -was working out in my own mind in a discussion I had with my lawyer as a result of discussions he had also had with some of the prosecutors. Senator TALMADGE. Any significance to the star? That they are all lawyers? Mr. DEAN. -No, that was just a reaction myself, the fact that how in God's name could so many lawyers get involved in something like this? Senator TALMADGE. What do the checkmarks indicate on the left-hand side of the paper? Mr. DEAN. I do not know. Senator TALMADGE. NOW, you have, parentheses there and some other things there. I presume--what is that language on the right? Mr. DEAN. That is because I had had earlier discussions with Mr. Ehrlichman and Haldeman about, this and they asked me, what, is the obstruction of justice? So I dug out the obstruction of justice statutes, which were sections -371, -which I believe is the conspiracy statute, and 1503, and put the sanctions beside them--5 years and $10,000, 5 years and $5,000 for potential obstruction of justice. When I took this list to Mr. Ehrlichman and Mr. Haldeman, Mr. Ehrlichman said, well, I may have to take--he said, I do not think this sounds like an obstruction of justice. I said, well, you may want to look at the statute. I said, particularly read the annotations of the statute, because I think you will find Some case law -which indicates, that obstruction of justice is as broad as the imagination of man to obstruct justice. [00.07.09] [00.07.09-DEAN answering questions from Sen. TALMADGE about his views of the unraveling coverup] Senator TALMADGE. So your significance, then, was that those gentlemen had violated those statutes, and Were guilty of those particular offenses which carried either a 5-year sentence, and $10,000 and $5,000, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. that is correct, Senator. Senator TALMADGE. Thank you, Mr. Dean. I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman. Senator ERVIN,. The, committee will stand in recess until 2 o'clock [00.07.37-RECESS]

Highway Aerial Aerial flyby over complex highway system, certain directions are flowing nicely while others are gridlocked.

[00.07.37-LEHRER in studio] LEHRER states that the two counsels and Senator TALMADGE have questioned DEAN in a way to check the facts of his testimony and test his credibility. [PBS network ID-title screen "SENATE HEARINGS ON CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES"] [00.10.11-LEHRER] LEHRER states that Sen. WEICKER will ask the next round of questions [00.10.19-to committee room, shot of Sen. ERVIN.] AFTERNOON SESSION, TUESDAY, JUNE 26, 1973 Senator ERVIN., The committee 'will come to order. Senator Weicker. Senator WEICKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Dean, I would like to completely chancre gears from the testimony which you gave this morning and go back to the beginning of the statement you made yesterday in order to put this in its proper context because it is so completely different from what was discussed this morning and yesterday. I am going to read the early portions of your statement in Order to set. the framework for the questions I am going to ask. This is quoting from your statement of yesterday. [READING] It was when I joined the White House staff in July of 1970, that I -became fully aware of the extent of concern at the White House regarding demonstrations and intelligence information relating to demonstrators. It was approximately one month after I arrived at the White House that I was informed about the project that had been going on before I arrived to restructure the Government's Intelligence-gathering capacities vis-a-vis demonstrators and domestic radicals. The revised domestic intelligence plan was submitted in a document for the President. The committee has in its possession a copy of that document and certain related memoranda pursuant to the order of Judge Sirica. [END QUOTED SECTION] I want to inform the chairman and members of the committee so there is, no apprehension here, I do not intend to go into the memorandum of 1970, I understand that there are matters contained therein which the chairman is handling at the present time so it, is not my intent to go into that document. [READING] After I was told of the Presidentially approved plan, that called for bugging, burglarizing, mail covers, and the like, I was instructed 'by Haldeman to see what I could do to get, the plan implemented. I thought the plan was totally uncalled for and unjustified. I talked with Mitchell about the plan, and he said he knew there was a great desire at the White House to see the plan implemented, but, he agreed fully with FBI Director Hoover, who opposed the plan, with one exception. He thought that an interagency evaluation committee might be useful because it was not good to have the FBI standing alone without the information of other intelligence agencies and the sharing of information is always good and avoids duplication. After my conversation with Mitchell, I wrote a memorandum requesting that the evaluation committee be established, [00.12.55-long shot of the committee room, starting at rear with public audience, panning to front over reporters and photographers, committee table] and the restraints could be removed later. I told Haldeman that the only way to proceed was one step at a time, and this could be an important first step. He agreed, The Interagency Evaluation valuation Committee (IEC) was created, as I recall, in early 1971, I requested Jack Caulfield, who had been assigned to my office. to serve as the, White House liaison to the IEC, and when "Mr., Caulfield left the White House Mr. David Wilson of my staff served as liaison. I am unaware of the IEC ever having engaged in any illegal activities or assignments, and certainly no such assignment was ever requested by my office The reports from the IEC, or summaries of the reports were forwarded to Haldeman and sometimes Ehrlichman. In addition to the intelligence reports from the IEC, my office also received regular intelligence reports regarding demonstrators and radical groups from the FBI and on some occasions from the CIA, A member of my staff would review the material to determine if it should be forwarded to 'Mr. Haldeman--that is, for bringing to the President's attention--or sent to another member of the staff Who might have an interest in the contents of the report. [END QUOTED SECTION] [00.14.00]

[00.14.00-WEICKER continues to question DEAN about the WHITE HOUSE'S desire for intelligence] And then you give several examples relative to Mr. Garment and to Mr. Kissinger. Now, on the bottom of page 13. you reefer to another incident that occurred. [READING] It was not until almost a year or more later that I learned the reason for Mardian's trip to set, the President. Mr. Mardian later told me in a social conversation that he had gone to see the President to get instructions regarding the disposition of wiretap logs that related to newsmen and White House staffers Who were suspected of leaking, These logs had been in possession of Mr. William Sullivan, an Assistant Director of the FBI, and were, per Mr. Mardian's instructions from the President, given to Ehrlichman. I had occasion to raise a question about these logs with Ehrlichman during the fall of 1972, and he flatly denied to me that he had the logs. I did not tell him at that time I had been told by Mardian that he had the logs. About February 22nd or 23rd of this year, Time Magazine notified the White House it was going to print a story that the White House had undertaken wiretaps of newsmen and White House staff and requested a response. The White House Press Office notified me of this inquiry. I called Mr. Mark Felt at the FBI to ask him first, what the facts were, and secondly, how such a story could leak. Mr. Felt told me that it was true, that Mr. Sullivan knew all the facts and that he had no idea how it leaked. I then called Mr. Sullivan and requested that he drop by my office, which he did. He explained that after much haggling, that the wiretaps were installed, but as I recall, Mr. Sullivan said they did not have the blessing of Director Hoover. Mr. Sullivan explained to me that all but one set of the logs had been destroyed and all the internal FBI records relating to the wiretaps except one set, had been destroyed and all the material had been delivered to Mr. Mardian. After Mr. Sullivan departed, I called Mr. Mitchell who told me he also had an inquiry from Time Magazine and denied to Time Magazine any knowledge of the matter. I did not Press him further as to what he did know. I then called Mr. Ehrlichman and told him about the forthcoming story In Time Magazine. I told him of my conversations with Felt. Sullivan and Mitchell. I also told him I knew he had the logs because Mr. Mardian had told me. This time he admitted they were in his; safe. I asked him how Mr. Ziegler should handle it, He said Mr. Ziegler should flatly deny it--period. I thanked him, called Mr. Ziegler and so advised him. [END QUOTED SECTION] [00.16.14] [00.16.14-WEICKER asks questions about the WHITE HOUSE'S access to information from the FBI and other agencies] Now, Mr. Dean. this sets the general framework as to the areas of my inquiry this afternoon. The first question that arises is that during the course of questioning by this committee, Mr. McCord stated that he went to the Internal Security Division and obtained from a Mr. John -Martin and Mr. Joel Lisker information which he brought back to the Committee To Re-Elect the President and disseminated among the various members of the Committee To Re-Elect. My first question to you is based upon the visit which he made shortly after Mr. McCord's testimony to the internal Security Division and in talks which he had with Mr. Martin, and Mr. Kevin Moroney, and it relates to the, fact of whether or not You know who authorized the release Of this information 'by Messrs. Martin and Lisker at the Internal Security Division. Mr. DEAN. Senator, I have only a general awareness of this area, and to the best of my recollection, and I don't know, I don't recall who told me this, but there -was an arrangement that was worked out by Mr. Mardian before he departed the Department, of Justice to join the reelection committee. Senator WEICKER. In other words, the arrangement Of information from the Internal Security Division to McCord was authorized by Mardian. This never came to your attention as being authorized by anybody in the White House? Mr. DEAN. I don't recall that it did. My office did have dealings, as I have said. with the Internal Security Division. I don't recall specifically this subject coming up. I recall subsequent conversations in which Mr. Mardian told me that he had made an arrangement of some sort after it was initially arrived at. Senator WEICKER. But, of course, at this moment Mr. Mardian is over at the Committee To Re-Elect the President and 'Mr. Olson is at the head of the Internal Security Division. Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator WEICKER. Did your office have any dealings, with Mr. Olson? Mr. DEAN. No--well, I had dealings with him but they were on departmental matters where the practice had evolved that, when the department was going to release in a major case electronically obtained evidence under a court order they would notify the White House of this procedure. Senator WEICKER. Could you amplify on that? I am not, so sure I understand. Mr. DEAN. Well. when a major case -was going on and a defendant would call for whether or not there was any electronic surveillance of His conversations at any time and the Government made a decision to release this information if it was a very political or sensitive case, this matter would be brought to the attention of the White House and Mr. Olson would generally inform me that he was going to do this. [00.20.00]

Excerpted from a low budget feature, the title of which is unknown but surely not the one listed. Essentially about a Russian convict in an American jail trying to make an escape so he can straighten out his wayward son. MSs of Balan (the, uh, hero) and his cell mate talking. Eventually they fight over minced words, which brings on the guards and a firehose. The jailbirds cool off, get sent to solitary. Good shots fo Balan being let out of solitary confinement, and back to his cell. MSs of Balan in the warden's office, being told to do his time "like a man". High angle tight LS of 2 boys playing "rough" with a dog (mostly sound effects). LSs of prisoners shoveling a large pile of coal.

Shrine charity classic football game. Cuts abruptly to baseball game from the 1920s with the Dodgers. Two baseball players talk to reporter holding microphone with WWJ call letters Looks like some kind of promotion as they keep cutting to a new car sitting on the field (beautiful Moedl-T type of car). cuts ot marching band on field and then the dodgers marching behind the band. wider shot of same. MS spectators in the stands, one throws a ball (fisrt pitch?). Cu of one Dodger talking. Pan dodgers in dugout, chewing tobacco.

[00.20.00] Senator WEICKER. Then can you give me some specific examples of cases that involved that kind of release of information? Mr. DEAN. Well. I am trying to think of some of the more celebrated cases in connection with antiwar demonstrators and I Cannot recall with any specificity and having not had an opportunity to go back to my files, it is rather difficult to remember this off the top. Senator WEICKER. Is it a fact. Mr. Dean, that 'Mr. Olson and Kevin Moroney came to your office, at least on one occasion, maybe there are others. to give YOU information relevant to the law on foreign contributions? Mr. DEAN. Yes, they did. I recall a conversation with them both about it; I don't recall whether it was in my office or telephonic in which I raised the subject. I had always assumed that foreign contributions were prohibited under the law. I had been asked by Mr. Stans at one point; who had received a memorandum from Mr., Liddy when he was serving as counsel to the finance committee, that this was a proper contribution to receive. I had occasion to talk to Mr. Olson and Mr. Moroney about this and they had reached another conclusion. They felt, it was not from their reading of the Foreign Agents Registration Act, that unless the individual was an agent in fact and not a principal that such a contribution was not violative of the Federal Law. Senator WEICKER. Why would you seek such information from the Internal Security Division of The Justice Department? Mr. DEAN. Because they had jurisdiction over that 'area of the law. Senator WEICKER. What were your contacts with the Internal Security Division? Do you feel any information that -was supplied to your office from the Internal Security Division might have had some sort of political impact? Mr. DEAN. Well, I think some of the reports that the IEC prepared had political implications to them but those did not go outside of the White House, Now. I would have to review those reports and I have not done that either regarding demonstrations and the like, I did, as I mentioned in my testimony, after I had talked to Mr. Haldeman about, what my office should be doing regarding the forthcoming election I called Mr. Wells, who was then the head of the IEC or Mr. Caulfield brought him -over and told him that the White House was very anxious to have the best intelligence possible regarding the potentials of demonstrations during the forthcoming campaign. Senator WEICKER. And so you maintained a liaison with the IEC? Mr. DEAN. I would say that of all my contacts with the Justice Department my most infrequent contacts were with the Internal Security Division. Senator WEICKER. All right, now, I have in my hand a position report on the Internal Security Division, as of April 15,1972. It is the same report which already has been brought to the attention of the committee, which I submitted to Mr. McCord to identify those individuals with which he had contacts, specifically, Mr. Martin and Mr. Lisker. In this position report dated April 15, 1972, under the Office of Analysis and Planning, there, are listed Bernard Wells, Executive Director of the IDIU, and two assistants, James McGrath and Joyce' Webb. Again, in the interviews which I had at the Internal Security, Division, after Mr. McCord's testimony it -was explained to me quite openly that in fact, this office of Analysis and Planning and this position of Director of the IDIU were a cover for the IEC. This report is dated April of 1972. I will be glad to have you take a look at Does this in any way relate -to recommendations you had made at an earlier date?

[00.30.32] Senator WEICKER. Mr. Chairman? Senator ERVIN. Do you wish to use one of these documents? Senator WEICKER. I would very specifically like to use, the document, Mr. Chairman, which Is the letter sent by Mr. Dean to Mr. Mitchell. Mr. McCANDLESS. Mr. Chairman, is that one of the national security documents? Senator ERVIN. Yes. I might state for the record that yesterday Senator Baker and myself, by authority of the unanimous vote of the committee, sent the following letter to the White House: JUNE 25, 1973, The PRESIDENT, The White House Washington D.C. DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: A former White House employee, John W. Dean III delivered to his honor, Judge John J. Sirica, Chief Judge of the U.S. District' Court. for the District of Columbia, certain documents. Judge Sirica Subsequently ordered copies of these documents delivered to the Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. These documents may be briefly described as follows: 1. A document which is entitled "Special Report Interagency Committee Intelligence," which constitutes a review of I he systems by which foreign and domestic intelligence is collected by the FBI, CIA, DIA and NSA. This document is 43 pages long, and is signed by the then heads of the four intelligence gathering agencies. 2. A document entitled "Recommendations" which relates 'to Operational restraints on intelligence collection, This document -was apparently prepared in June 1970, but does not bear the day of the month on which it Was finalized 3. A memorandum from H.R. Haldeman -to Tom Charles Huston dated July 14, 1970. 4. A memorandum from Tom Charles Huston to H. R. Haldeman dated August 5, 1970, which relates to domestic intelligence. 5. A memorandum from Tom Charles Huston to H.R. Haldeman dated August 7, 1970, which is entitled "Domestic Intelligence Review." 6. A memorandum from John Dean to the Attorney General relating to the Interagency Domestic Intelligence Unit dated September 18, 1970, which bears the notation that it was returned to John W. Dean by the Attorney General's Office on March 8, 1972. All of these documents are marked "Top Secret," except the memorandum from Tom Charles Huston to R. R. Haldeman dated August 7, 1970, which is marked "Confidential." The committee agrees that the first numbered document relates in substantial part to foreign intelligence, and ought not to be disclosed. It believes, however, that all of the portions of the other documents which relate to domestic intelligence or internal security should be released at the hearings, and for this reason, the committee has unanimously authorized and directed us as chairman and vice chairman to ask you forthwith to declassify them. In addition, the committee has authorized and directed us to request that You declassify two additional documents which have been printed in the New York Times and the Washington Post, insofar as they relate to domestic intelligence and internal security. These additional documents are as follows: 1. A decision memorandum dated July 15, 1970, bearing the title "Decision Memorandum, The White House, Washington." 2. A document entitled "Organization and Operations of the Interagency Group on Domestic Intelligence and Internal Security." The committee desires to interrogate witnesses concerning these documents, and for this reason, respectfully requests that you forthwith declassify them. Sincerely yours, SAM J. ERVIN. Jr., Chairman, HOWARD H. BAKER, Jr., Vice Chairman. [00.34.59]

[00.25.07] Mr. DEAN. Well, now, the IDIU was a unit that was in existence at one point in time in the Justice Department. Senator WEICKER. Right. Mr. DEAN. It was basically a newspaper clipping operation to follow what the demonstrators were doing, and as I understand, they subscribed to the magazines and publications of the New Left to try to just analyze from those publications what they were doing, as well as anything else they could pick up. When the decision was made to establish the IEC, the IDIU was virtually defunct at that time and as I recall, there was discussion about the fact that the IDIU did exist, and that it, could very easily be the explanation for -the IEC, which -was not due to be a publicly known intelligence evaluation group. This was the decision, to put the IDIU cover over the IEC. Now, as I recall, the initial person that was placed in charge of -the IEC was Mr. Doherty, who had been with the Internal Security Division for quite sometime but was planning on retiring at some point. There were also suggestions that others---somebody else might come in and head this unit, up. Senator WEICKER. Well, I appreciate your answer and you have answered my question. If we can just track this in logical time sequence, that is all. So it is true that the concept of the IEC does sit there covered by the office, of Analysis and Planning, the position of IDIU, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That -is correct. Senator WEICKER. Was this the subject, of a letter which you wrote John Mitchell? Mr. DEAN. I believe in the documents that I turned over to the court initially, there was a memorandum in there, that was based on a conversation that Mitchell and I had had as to how to establish this very small segment of a, rather large and dramatic plan. Now, whether that was in that, document or not, I cannot recall, I have not reviewed those documents virtually since the time they were written. So you are asking me to recall something that is about 3 years old and I am not terribly fresh in my recollection on it. Senator WEICKER. In other -words, when I show you a position report that is dated April 15 of 1972, -which has in the position report, a unit which both of us have Identified as the IEC, under the cover of the IDIU, this was the recommendation made back in the summer of 1970. Is that correct? Mr. DEAN. I think that is ,in accurate statement to the best of my recollection. Senator WEICKER. I am not, talking about illegal activities. Mr. DEAN. NO. I know exactly what you 'are talking about. Senator WEICKER. Nothing else, just setting up of the unit as recommended in the summer of 1970, it does still exist in the office of Analysis and Planning section, IDIU; is that correct? Mr. DEAN. To the best of my recollection it is, Senator, but as I say, I would have to check documents in my own office to remember the, accuracy of that and that is generally the way I recall it occurring yes, Senator WEICKER. The first step, then, -was taken in setting up the structure? Mr. DEAN-. Was that the, first step ? Senator WEICKER. Yes, right. Mr. DEAN. I think the step, the first step, was the decision to take a very small part of the plan, the only part, of the plan that was not, illegal, and begin with that. And then there was a series of correspondence and I believe I had some meetings with Mr. Mitchell about this in his office and we discussed some of these concepts. Senator WEICKER. Do you have any idea when those meetings took place? Mr. DEAN. Well. they would have occurred about the time. that, my initial memorandum went over, either preceding it and so that followed it. There was still resistance at this point in time on the part. of the FBI as to its participation in the unit and it was as a result of this resistance by the FBI that Mr. Haldeman told me to talk to Mr. Mitchell about it and Mr. Haldeman also said, as I recall, that, he was willing to come over and talk to 'Mr. Mitchell himself about. it if I had any problem. [00.30.32]

034-1 On highway (color neg.) 034-2 residential homes thru windshield (color neg.) 034-3 Car follows car on road under RR track (color neg.) 034-4 Car follow convertible POV straight (b/w neg.) 034-5 Car follow car pov (b/w neg.) 034-6 Car following car (b/w neg.) 034-7 Car on highway POV (b/w neg.) 034-8 Car on highway POV (b/w neg.) 034-9 Car on highway POV (b/w neg.) 034-10 Car on highway POV (b/w neg.)

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107-1 plymouth on country road (color pos.) 107-2 Car on highway 107-3 Car on highway 107-4 Car on road 107-5 Car on highway, rearview 107-6 Car on highway 107-7 Car on road 107-8 Car on highway, Cu panel dash 107-9 Car on highway 107-10 Car, plymouth on highway 107-11 Convertible on highway 107-12 Car on country road 107-13 2 dr. sedan on highway 107-14 ?