Paul Duke begins the show by stating that Congressional Leaders consider the President's budget proposal all but dead, and will work with Democrats to create a bipartisan proposal. The White House is willing to consider changes, but real compromise may be difficult. Cokie Roberts notes that one of the President's budget proposals comes in an election year where cutting popular programs is least popular. Half of the Senate Finance Committee is up for election, creating problems for Committee Chairman Robert Dole (R-KS). Senator Dole states he has only nine members who are not up for re-election or retiring; Roberts (o/s) says this means Republicans are less inclined to stands behind the President's budget proposals, more inclined to work with Democrats like Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-TX). Sen. Bentsen lays out that the public tends to support those not in control of power when the economy falters.
In Studio: Judy Woodruff.-And of course as we know from listening to the testimony after the last number of weeks, there were other promises that were made to the Iranians. Promises about how the United States would come to the defense of Iran if it were attacked. Promises about attempting to topple the leader of the Iraq government, which is of course at war with Iran. Peter Rodino, Congressman from New Jersey; Democratic Congressman from New Jersey, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee led off this late afternoon questioning. He led some very important questions. I m just now told excuse me Elizabeth that they ve gaveled so we ll listen her but let s go over a little of this as we watch what s going on at the committee. In Studio: Elizabeth Drew-I think the Senator Inouye is about to speak.
Linda Wertheimer in the office of Ann Lewis, Political Director of Democratic National Committee: "Something really wonderful happened in the political system after 1980. I think the battle axe has become a boomerang. I think the American people are so turned off by vicious, negative, personal campaigning. They have had less and less effect in every district." Three adult Caucasian female pro-life protesters picketing outside U.S. House Representative Tom Harkin's (D-IA) office. Life Amendment Political Action Committee (PAC) leader addressing a group of men and women on their belief that "these social parasites have forfeited the right to hold office." and that targeted Congressmen will be given plants that have not yet opened sprayed with black paint to signify the unborn children, the pre-born children that are buds that will not open; Wertheimer, in voiceover, notes they have a list of twelve Congressmen to defeat in upcoming elections.
U.S. Secretary of the Treasury Donald Regan taking questions from the press regarding negotiation on the tax reduction package compromise: "Well, again, the Senate Finance Committee is going to have to move rather quickly, because time's a-wasting here. The Ways and Means Committee are behind in their schedule right now, and as I said earlier, the Speaker promised the President he'd get that bill, send it along. With his great experience in tax matters, had to remind the Speaker that he had to get that bill up to the Senate fairly quickly. So, I would suggest that probably the Senate Finance Committee will get some movement started, so they can act rather rapidly as soon as they see whatever bill comes out of the House." Adult female reporter (off camera): "What exactly did the President say this morning, that he is willing to accept?" Sec. Regan: "He said that, in general, he could go along with the 5-10-10 starting October 1st, and of course the accelerated capital recourse system. By the way, in that meeting, there was unanimous agreement on the need for business cuts, and that business cuts would come effective sometime between January 1st and March 11th of 1981. The President indicated those, and he indicated then that some of the items that he had heard us --- that we were discussing, that is Senator Dole, Dan Rostenkowski, and I were discussing --- that he would be more than willing to go along with a package of those items in order to get the bill done. But getting into specifics, there were mentioned of various ones, but we didn't try to pin'em down with any degree of finality." Adult male journalist (off camera): "Marriage penalty?" Sec. Regan replies: "Marriage penalty was prominently mentioned."
U.S. House Representative Gillespie V. "Sonny" Montgomery (D-MS) meeting with several adult Caucasian male Vietnam War veterans in his office. Former Sergeant Major Gary Thomas references statements and experiences, where men are being told that Agent Orange isn't what's harming them, or cannot get the treatment they need, which then contributes to deaths of despair for many Vietnam Veterans; buzzer sounds in the BG. Thomas believes this messaging comes down from the top. Rep. Montgomery explains the work the U.S. House Veterans Affairs Committee has done in passing legislation to direct the VA in moving toward Agent Orange treatment. Rep. Montgomery states that he recently visited two VA hospitals, in Los Angeles and Phoenix, where he made sure the programs in the hospitals were being followed through and improved.
PAUL DUKE/LINDA WERTHEIMER/COKIE ROBERTS-REAGAN got a victory when Senate approved his nominee, KENNETH ADELMAN, to head ARMS CONTROL and DISARMAMENT AGENCY, but lost in both houses on DEFENSE BUDGET. New push to curb U.S. aid to NICARAGUAN REBELS ["CONTRAS"] and EL SALVADOR. SENATE BUDGET COMMITTEE refuses REAGAN'S proposal to cut DOMESTIC SPENDING and almost votes to TERMINATE REAGAN'S TAX CUT PROGRAM. House tribute to deceased Rep. PHIL BURTON (D-CA). Intro report on Congressional doubts about REAGAN'S commitment to ARMS CONTROL and position on DEFENSE.
New York Judge Samuel Seabury sitting at desk, posing for the camera. Automobile carrying New York City Mayor Jimmy Walker pulling up to curb. Walker exiting car with police escort, surrounded by crowd and press. Inside crowded court room for Hofstadter Committee hearings on political corruption. Walker descending steps of court house with a police escort, Walker stops to make a statement to the press. Walker making press appearances. Disgraced former Mayor Walker on a ship bound for Europe after his resignation. Judge Samuel Seabury walking with entourage among a crowd of onlookers.
Representative Dan Rostenkowski (D - Illinois) in office, leaning forward in seat. Pull back to show other members of House Ways and Means Committee around oval table. Dan Rostenkowski at desk, This President came on very slowly with respect to attacking deficits. And I think that when he mentioned it, you bet your life I grabbed it and ran with it. I think it s that important. And I think ultimately this is the training ground, this year, in this small down payment for the big picture that will take place in 1985.
Atchison, Kansas. Members of the House Budget Committee hold a meeting for small town Americans on the budget cuts in agriculture. Representative Jim Slattery (D - Kansas). I believe it is critically important for people who live in our nation s large urban areas and Washington officials, to see what is happening in rural America. Chuck Van Petten, Atchison Kansas Veterinarian, testifies . . . but those of us involved in agriculture, both service and direct sales, feel you are asking us to do like the American farmer - take more than our share.
General shots of a meeting of the House Banking Committee. Paul Volcker, Federal Reserve Chairman, testifying, Pumping up the money supply cannot be the answer to that problem. Excessive money and the inflation it breeds are the enemies of the real savings needed to finance investment. Without action to cut spending, or if that fails, to raise new revenue, we would face the prospect of deficits rising to unprecedented amounts whether measured in dollars in relation to the GNP or as a proportion of our limited savings and the supply of loanable funds.
Representative James Jones (D Oklahoma), Chairman of the House Budget Committee Some have condemned the budget process saying it is not working. I think the fact of the matter is the budget process is working very well because that process is designed to force us to look at our resources and to delineate the hard choices we have to live within those resources. We know what the choices are. The big question is not the budget process but whether we have the political courage to implement and enforce that budget process.
MS white woman working on payroll. MSs paychecks being distributed to employees in offices. VO says employees receive a share of the profits in addition to their salary. Stills of year-end corporate banquets, when employees receive their share of the profit in relation to the weight they pulled. Description of profit sharing program, policies and benefits. MS/CUs employees filling out worksheets on which they evaluate the performance of other employees; supervisors fill out sheets, too; employee evaluate their supervisors. An in-house committee reviews the results.
Mr. Liddy told me that the men who had been arrested in the DNC were his men and he expressed concern about them. I asked him why he had men in the DNC and he told me that Magruder had pushed him into doing it. He told me that he had not wanted to do it, but Magruder had complained about the fact that they were not getting good information from a bug they had placed in the DNC sometime earlier. He then explained something about the steel structure of the Watergate Office Building that was inhibiting transmission of the bug and that they had gone into the building to correct this problem. He said that he had reported to Magruder that during the earlier entry of the DNC they had seen documents which I believe he told me were either Government documents or classified documents and Magruder had told him to make copies of those documents. Liddy was very apologetic for the fact that they had been caught and that Mr. McCord was involved. He told me that he had used McCord only because Magruder had cut his budget so badly. I asked him why one of the men had a check from Mr. Howard Hunt and he told me that these men were friends of Hunt and Hunt had put him In touch with them. I do not recall Liddy discussing any further involvement of Hunt other than Hunt's putting him in touch with the Cubans. I asked him if anyone from the White House was involved and he told me no. As the conversation ended he again expressed his apology and his concern about the men in jail. I told him I couldn't help and be said he understood. He also told me that he was a soldier and would never talk. He said if anyone wished to shoot him on the street, he was ready. As we parted I said I would be unable to discuss this with him further he said he understood and I returned to my office.
Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). Will you state the particulars? John Dean. As far as I know, the first time I had firsthand knowledge that he was aware was On September 15 when I met with him shortly after the indictments. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). That was on September 15, 1972? John Dean. That is correct. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). What specific knowledge did he have at that time? What knowledge was imparted to him? John Dean. Well as I have testified earlier, I was aware of the fact that Mr. Haldeman frequently took notes when I was reporting to him and would immediately leave from my reporting session to go to the President's office with these notes. There were occasions when before this date, when I would meet with him when there would be a call from the President and Mr. Haldeman would indicate that Mr. Dean is giving a report on information he has. And would delay until that report was completed. So I assumed most of what I was reporting was being reported to the President. When he talked to me on the 15th, it is very easy to tell if you are talking on the same wavelength with a man. And there was certainly no doubt in my mind that we were talking on the same wavelength about the fact that it had been successful in keeping it out of the White House, because of the fact that it had been held, the indictments had been held at the Liddy level and gone no higher. And certainly, this statement was issued on May 22nd of 1973 and on March 21st, I certainly told the President everything I knew at that point in time. And also I would indicate that some of the conversations I had with him in February again indicated to me that he understood what was happening. He had complimented me again on the first meeting on the 27th on my handling of the matter during the campaign and I cannot imagine him complimenting me if he did not understand what he was complimenting me on.
(07:50:37) Opens with Senator LOWELL WEICKER questioning Mr. YOLASUWITZ (?) about groups who he would investigate for the Committee to Re-elect the President (07:54:32) Skip in footage - Senator HERMAN TALMADGE questions JOHN MITCHELL, Mitchell reads from a transcript of court proceding in which he is questioned by TED KENNEDY, in the transcript Mitchell tells Kennedy he has no responsibility to his party - Talmadge then quotes the rest of the transcript in which Mitchell adds in response to Kennedy that he did have reponsibilities to Nixon's re-election campaign - Mitchell claims this was a misquote (07:59:00) Talmadge asks if Mitchell endorsed a document calling for the Committee to Re-elect the President to take over all White House support activities (08:00:58) Skip in footage, back one second - Talmadge submits several memorandums as evidence and Mitchell reviews them with his attorney (08:03:05) Skip in footage - Talmade and Mitchell again debate a discrepancy within Mitchell's testimony about whether or not he stated he had responsibility to the Republican party (08:04:40) Committee Chairman SAMUEL ERVINE clarifies this discrepancy for himself, that Mitchell's loyalties were with the re-election of the president and not with the party at large (08:05:15) Talmadge and Mitchell discuss the testimony of Mr. STANS, finance administator in the Committee, and when Mitchell took control of authorizing the spending of campaign funds (08:08:30) Talmadge asks Mitchell about monies authorized to go toward bail and legal support of the Watergate criminals - Mitchell says that the money that went to this use was not Committee money and therefore he did not authorized this expenditure - Mitchell claims that he heard the money came from the 1968 campaign and he cracks a joke about this
(22:08:50) Hearing resumes: The CHAIRMAN. The Committee will resume, and I understand that Senator Hatch is going to go next on this side. Senator HATCH. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Altman, continuing on here Senator D'AMATO. Can you speak into the microphone, Senator. Senator Hatch. I'm trying to. OK How's that? Are you aware, Mr. Altman, that White House officials held a meeting on March 1 to discuss your February 24 testimony to the ,Committee? Are you aware of that? Mr ALTMAN. I have--I think I learned that in Mr. Cutler's chronology or sometime right around here. Senator HATCH. Let me read to you Dee Dee Myers' notes of what at the participants in that meeting said 'Senator DODD. Senator, can you speak up a little bit? Senator HATCH. I'm trying. Apparently this isn't up high enough. Let me read Dee Dee Myers' notes. Senator DODD. That's better. Senator HATCH. I think I can read them accurately. "Roger said one substantive contact with White House staff"---what's that say there--yeah, I see---"I initiated it," meaning you. "Jean and I re- 496 quested to describe procedures 2/28 deadline. Explain process RTC, would follow. That was the whole conversation, was asked one question. Had no contact with HRC," Hillary Rodham Clinton, I believe, "BC." no contact with either the First Lady or the President. "RTC had no other contact," which is what you said and then in capital letters, she writes here "not true. White House informed him. Different memory. Assume he'll amend next week."
(09:24:57) Opens to wide shot of Senate hearing room where crowds, press, and eventually Senators mill about - no at the beginning of this opening shot (09:35:07) Hearing begins: INVESTIGATION OF WHITEWATER DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION AND RELATED MATTERS VOLUME I TUESDAY, JULY 18, 1995 U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AF FAIRS, SPECIAL COMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE WHITEWATER DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION AND RELATED MATTERS, Washington, DC. The Committee met at 9.30 a.m., in room 216 of the Hart Senate Office Building, Senator Alfonse M. D'Amato (Chairman of the Committee) presiding. OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN ALFONSE M. D'AMATO The CHAIRMAN. If the Committee will come to order. First, let me say that this has not been an easy process, but it is one that has been made much easier due to the cooperative efforts and manner in which my colleague, the Ranking Member, Senator Sarbanes, has worked with us, and we have worked in a cooperative effort to bring us to this point in terms of laying out the methodology and the scope of the hearings and the manner in which we would proceed. I would hope that we can continue in this manner. I have every confidence that we can discharge our duties in the manner that brings credit to the Senate and represents the best interests of all of our citizens. We have agreed that each side will make opening statements for a half hour, then it will revert to 10 minutes to one side, 10 minutes to the other. We anticipate that each side will take up to an hour and a half before we get to our first witness. Today the Senate Whitewater Committee begins its first round of public hearings. The Senate has authorized the Committee to ascertain the full facts about Whitewater and its many related matters. We intend to conduct fair, impartial and thorough hearings. That's what the American people want, expect and deserve. Three years ago, the American people first learned of Whitewater, the Arkansas real estate development in which Governor Bill Clinton and Mrs. Clinton owned a 50 percent interest with Mr. James McDougal, the owner of the other 50 percent of Whitewater. Mr. McDougal was also the owner of Madison Guaranty, the Arkansas savings and loan that's at the heart of Whitewater, The whole story of Whitewater is very complicated. This matter 2 stretches from the early 1980's when the Clintons and the McDougals embarked on their real estate venture to the financing of the 1990 Clinton gubernatorial campaign and on to Washington in the first 2 years of the Clinton Presidency. In authorizing the Committee's investigation by a 96 to 3 vote, the Senate has made clear that Whitewater is not a partisan issue, The entire Whitewater matter raises very serious questions that the American people want answered. The Independent Whitewater Counsel, Judge Starr, has obtained a number of guilty pleas from a number of close Clinton associates, During last summer's Whitewater hearings, the Banking Committee uncovered many previously unknown facts. We learned that certain top Clinton Administration officials were not candid and forthcoming to Congress about Whitewater. That's troubling. We also discovered that senior Treasury Department and White House officials mishandled confidential law enforcement information relating to Madison and Whitewater. That's even more troubling. With each passing month, more and more questions are being raised about Whitewater. This past Sunday The New York Times asked two central questions concerning Whitewater. First, did the Clintons pay their share of the venture's losses? Second, did Mr. Clinton, as Governor of Arkansas,. help his business partner Mr. McDougal get any favors from State officials? Based on its review of newly released documents,- The New York Times reported that McDougal "shielded the Clinton's to an extent far greater than previously reported from paying their fair share of Whitewater losses." Question: Is The New York Times right? The American people have a right to know. The Senate has authorized the Special Committee to investigate a number of areas in this round of hearings. We will examine whether White House officials interfered with the Park Police investigation in the office of Vincent Foster. The death of the number two lawyer in the Clinton White House on July 20, 1993 shocked and bewildered the nation. This marked the first time since the death of Secretary of Defense James Forrestal in 1949 that such a high-ranking U.S. official took his own life. Later this Committee will examine other areas of Whitewater. For example, we will look at whether Members of the Clinton Administration tried to obstruct criminal referrals involving Madison and Whitewater.
James McCord continues reading statement: I have a further addition relevant to that, in the statement which I could read at this time. The topic of it is the December 1972 letter to John Caulfield. This letter is relevant to the May 4, 1973, memo submitted to Senate Watergate committee and the Federal grand jury, on the subject of pressure to place the blame on CIA for the Watergate operation. A letter was written to John Caulfield during the week of December 25, 1972; reference to this letter appeared in the press the last weekend. Angered-- speaking of my own feelings and at the time the letter was written-- angered because of what appeared to me to be a ruthless attempt by the White House to put the blame for the Watergate operation on CIA where it did not belong. I sought to head it off by sending a letter to Caulfield. This letter was couched in strong language because, it seemed to me at the time that this Was the only language that the White House understood. The letter read in substance as follows, to the best of my memory: "Dear Jack: I am sorry to have to write you this letter. If Helms goes and the Watergate operation is laid at CIA's feet where it does not belong, every tree in the forest will fall. It will be a scorched desert. The whole matter is at the precipice right now. Pass the message that if they want it to blow, they are on exactly the right course. I am sorry that you will get hurt in the fallout." The letter was unsigned and did not contain any message requesting any contact with Caulfield, nor any request for the White House to get me off in the case. I in fact, sought no such contact at any time. If I had to talk with Caulfield it would not have been necessary to go through complicated arrangements and a trip to William Bittman's office as occurred on January 8, 1973. I need only have made a phone call to Caulfield's office or home. At no time did I ever initiate any such Call to Caulfield.
01.09.25-In a debate, Kaptur defends against carpetbagger charges. Shot of a political analyst, says that Kaptur's constituency was unemployed and couldn't raise much funds. Clip of Kaptur TV ad from 1982, a blue-collar man sitting at his kitchen table doing the bills tells the camera that Rep. Weber takes too much money from the big utility companies, reflected in high bills. Shot of Kaptur speaking, pledging not to take a dime from the utilities. Shot of Weber campaign meeting. Shot of Kaptur. Shot of former Toledo mayor, says that Kaptur had good organization and got people involved. Shot of Unemployment office. Shot of (very tame) victory party for Kaptur. DO NOT USE Clip of Toledo newscast from Kaptur victory party. 01.11.48-Newman, in front of Capitol. Discusses the need for new Congressmen to get busy getting Washington and local staffs in order. Political scholar Norm Ornstein discusses Kaptur's efforts to hire staff, get an office, and get committee assignments after the election. Shot of Kaptur with her son during House swearing-in. Shot of Kaptur taking the well of House, v.o. says that there are many rules of the House to learn. Kaptur speaks about the unemployment in her district. Shot of an orientation session led by Rep. BRUCE VENTO (D-MN). Shots of exteriors of Congressional office buildings. Shot of Kaptur offices with staffers. A Kaptur staffer talks about various experts hired to address industrial issues of concern to the district. 11.15.29-Kaptur discusses her choices of committees, leaning toward economic development committees. Kaptur's press secretary describes the lobbying effort to get on the Banking Committee. Shots of Kaptur in committee questioning Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker. Shots of the inter-building "subway" connecting House office buildings to the Capitol basement, Congressmen getting off the train. Shot of Kaptur, explaining her support of a Social Security reform bill. Shot of Kaptur's legislative director, says that as a Freshman, Kaptur has to remain accessible to voters in the district. Shot of Kaptur in an airport. C/S Kaptur, says it's tiring to be back and forth to the district. Shots of staffers working in Kaptur's office. Shot of former Rep. Jud Ashley, says that becoming powerful in Washington can hurt relations with the district. Kaptur says she doesn't want to lose touch with the district. Ornstein says that Kaptur learned the ropes in Congress quickly. Newman described rules changes in the House in the 1970's that make it easier for Freshman congressman to be influential. 01.20.29
12.42.15-Ornstein-discusses the debate over the other articles, including Article II, a sweeping charge that Nixon abused his powers as President by spying on his enemies and other Gestapo tactics. Rep. JOHN CONYERS (D-MI) says that there was a secret spy agency, accountable to no one but Nixon, operating out of the White House to spy on citizens and mess with Nixon's enemies. Rep. JOSEPH MARAZITI (R-NJ) defends Nixon against this charge, says that none of the actions of White House staff can be linked directly to Nixon's orders. Rep. WILEY MAYNE (R-Iowa) warns that this article will set a precedent for future Presidents to be impeached for bad judgement or honest mistakes. Rep. SANDMAN mocks the proceedings, says the precedents set will be disastrous for the Government. V.O.-the second article passed by bipartisan vote. Next article charged Nixon with Contempt of Congress for refusing to comply with Congressional Subpoenas to turn over the White House Tapes and other evidence. 12.44.34-Rep. WAYNE OWENS (R-UT) says that impeachment is needed to prevent the President from stonewalling Congress' proper power to investigate the President. Rep. CALDWELL BUTLER (R-VA) argues that the third article would allow Congress to issue specious subpoenas for Presidential documents and then Impeach the President for refusing to honor them, whether or not any real crime had been committed. V.O.-although some started to think the Committee was going too far, majority ruled that Executive Privilege didn't apply to impeachment cases. Further articles of Impeachment failed. Shot of RODINO adjourning the committee. 12.45.48-Ornstein/Newman discuss the aftermath of the Judiciary Committee decisions, with Nixon resigning before a House vote on August 9, 1974 in the face of almost certain Impeachment and conviction. Clip of NIXON delivering RESIGNATION SPEECH. Shot of DICK AND PAT walking to helicopter, Gerald Ford and Al Haig give the thumbs-up to Nixon [considering allegations that it was Haig who was the legendary "Deep Throat", that's interesting]. RODINO says he feels that the Judiciary Committee set a standard of fairness, openness, and responsibility. Rep. WIGGINS says that the impeachment was bad for the country, the Presidency has been weakened-the problem of an overactive President was real, but the reaction by Congress was excessive. RODINO says IMPEACHMENT must be moderate and circumspect, must not be used capriciously. 12.48.04-Newman-the Nixon Impeachment Hearings were an exciting time to study the system of Checks and Balances under strain and led obscure members of Congress into prominence. Over time, the incident appears less linked to Nixon himself and more in the context of the continuing struggle between Congress and the President. Signs off. 12.48.40-closing credits/WETA credit/funding credit/PBS ID 12.50.06--OUT
(12:50:34) And Mr. Chairman, I have to say I really fear that we are so totally focused on a few scraps of conversations and phone calls and 10-second or 10-minute meetings that we have mistakenly left the impression that the White House has been consumed with Whitewater. And indeed, it is my observation that Whitewater has been focused on instead of the real issues the American people care about here which come before this Committee, economy, jobs, Health Care, all of the real critical issues, I hope that as Senators and as Members of this Committee that we don't lose that perspective having gone through these intense hearings these last 5 days. The CHAIRMAN. Senator Murray, if you'll permit me on the remainder of your time just to agree with you. We all serve on other Committees. I serve on the Finance Committee, I'm Chairman of the Health Care Subcommittee and we've worked on it literally now for decades, and I want to be working on Health Care. This Committee, before we were given this assignment by the Senate, had spent no time on this issue, This has been assigned to us by the Senate and so we're discharging that obligation that we've been given, but I must tell you, when we finish this tomorrow evening, as I expect and trust we will, and we turn our attention next week to Health Care--I'm talking about the Senate as a whole and we can get back to itI'm fully in accord with your view. I think people want us working on Health Care and other issues, and I certainly join you in that sentiment. Senator MURRAY. And Mr. Chairman, let me add since it's still my time that this Committee has instead focused a lot of attention 330 on the RTC. In fact, the first vote I took on this Committee, as a' freshman Member, was spending billions of dollars for the RTC bailout which was not my idea of a great first vote on this Committee. And indeed as this is our job, to oversee the RTC in its im- mense capacity, I can safely say Whitewater is a very small part of that as well. I think it's a concern that we have spent 5 days focused on a very tiny part of the RTC when really maybe we ought to be looking back at the RTC and focusing on the broader picture as well. Senator D'AMATO. Mr. Chairman, Senator Bond has not asked any questions. The CHAIRMAN. Senator Bond. OPENING COMMENTS OF SENATOR BOND Senator BOND. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. McLarty, you've already testified that you were aware of the concern in the White House over the failure of Mr. Altman to mention the recusal discussions in the February 2 meeting; is that correct? Did you know of the meeting that Mr. Podesta had in the White House on March 1 where they spent 21/2 hours , I believe Counsel told us, talking about the questions relating to Mr. Altman's testimony? Mr. MCLARTY. Senator, I've already testified this morning that I was aware, that it had been brought to my attention that Mr. Altman's testimony might not be complete, and the recommendation to me was we needed to work to complete the record, and I certainly affirm that. Senator BOND. And did you see or know of the March 2 letter or March 3 letter sent by Mr. Altman to the Banking Committee? Did those come to your attention? Mr. McLARTY. No, I don't believe they did. I believe I saw them sometime after they were sent. Senator BOND. So they didn't. The White House was very concerned about the incompleteness of the answer and Mr. Eggleston , to his credit, immediately left the meeting on February 24, and called Mr. Podesta. It was discussed the next day. Mr. Eggleston read, I guess read the testimony on the following Monday, then they had a 21/2 hour meeting. So by then, as Chief of Staff, that had come to your attention; is that correct? Mr. McLARTY. Well, Senator, you're characterizing the very concern. I was aware that members of the White House staff had brought to my attention there might be a need to make certain that Mr. Altman's testimony was complete, and I affirm that. And if you'll recall, shortly thereafter, Mr. Fiske issued subpoenas and therefore, it really became inappropriate for us to continue to be involved in that process from the White House standpoint. Senator BOND. But you did-as Chief of Staff, you knew as of that March 1 meeting that he had not mentioned recusal? Mr. McLARTY. I'm not sure when I learned of that, Senator, whether it was March 1. At some point in time I was aware of what I just stated, that certain members of the White House staff felt Mr. Altman's testimony might need to be more complete, and I encouraged them to participate in that process. 331 Senator BOND. As Chief of Staff, did you ask why it was incomplete? Mr. McLARTY. I didn't get into a level of detail, Senator, as I recall it at that time. It was clear that the people who were responsible for that were engaged in it and I had confidence that they would work on that matter in a proper way.
(10:00:00) PBS funding credits (10:00:10) Coverage title screens (10:00:21) In tv studio hearing hosts KEN BODE and NINA TOTENBERG, they introduce and discuss day's hearing HEARINGS RELATING TO MADISON GUARANTY S&L AND THE WHITEWATER DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION-WASHINGTON, DC PHASE VOLUME I FRIDAY, JULY 29, 1994 U.S. SENATE, COMMITTEE ON BANKING, HOUSING, AND URBAN AFFAIRS, Washington, DC. The Committee met in room 106, of the Dirksen Senate Office Building at 10 a.m., Senator Donald W. Riegle, Jr. (Chairman of the Committee) presiding.] (10:03:15) OPENING STATEMENT OF CHAIRMAN DONALD W. RIEGLE, JR. The CHAIRMAN. The Committee will come to order. Let me invite all those that are standing to find seats so that we can begin. Good morning to everyone and welcome to all those in attendance this morning. Today, the Senate Banking Committee begins the public hearing phase of our inquiry on the so-called Madison Guaranty/Whitewater matter. We do so under specific legislative instructions from the full Senate, Senate Resolution 229 mandated this inquiry and it instructed our Committee to begin these public hearings by today, July 29, 1994. The scope of our present effort was carefully defined by the Senate Resolution 229 to pursue only three specific matters in order to not interfere or compromise in any way the full-scale inquiry being directed by independent Counsel, Robert B. Fiske, Jr. Now, Mr. Fiske's effort began on January 20, 1994, when Attorney General Janet Reno announced the appointment of this respected former prosecutor to serve as Independent Counsel to investigate allegations relating to Whitewater/Madison. He has full Federal authority to prosecute any violations of both civil and criminal laws. On March 7, then, Mr. Fiske, aware that some in Congress were pressing for hearings on this subject, wrote to our Committee requesting that we not bold hearings that might compromise his investigation and jeopardize any later prosecutorial efforts he might undertake. The Senate itself recognized the importance and the primacy of Mr. Fiske's concerns on March 17 by a unanimous vote of 98 to zero. The Senate passed a resolution authorizing bearings into all matters related to Whitewater but carefully provided that any Senate hearings should, and I quote: 116 Be structured in sequence in such a manner that in the judgment of the leaders, the would not interfere with the ongoing investigation of Special Counsel Robert B. Fiske, Jr. The Senate was very explicit on that matter. So for this reason, Senator DAmato and I have met periodically with Mr. Fiske. We have done so in order to carefully structure our investigative process in a way that preserves the integrity of Fiske's inquiry and protects any prosecutorial effort he may later undertake, while at the same time providing our Committee with access to the information that we need to meet our investigative mandate from the Senate. Now, Senate Resolution 229 directed this Committee to conduct hearings on three specific matters in this phase. No. 1, and I'm quoting directly: Communications between officials of the White House and the Department of the Treasury or the Resolution Trust Corporation relating the Whitewater Development Corporation and the Madison Guaranty Savings Loan Association. No. 2, 1 quote again: The Park Service Police investigation into the death of White House Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster. And No. 3, and I quote: The way in which White House officials handled documents in the Office of White House Deputy Counsel Vincent Foster at the time of his death. Mr. Fiske later informed us on July 15-that ' s just 2 weeks ago-that contrary to his earlier expectation, he had not yet con- cluded his inquiry into the handling of Mr. Poster's documents. He, therefore, asked that we not address this issue at this time, and, in deference to his request, we have put it aside until he indicates his work in this area is completed, In every step we have maintained direct working contact with Mr. Fiske to discuss and resolve any matters of potential conflict and in that regard, I will now make available for the record 12 different letters that illustrate this careful line-drawing process that we have followed. So these current hearings will focus upon two specific areas, and our purpose will be to examine all the relevant facts in order to determine whether any "improper conduct" may have occurred.
Frederick C. Dutton, Attorney and Lobbyist, says that U.S. President Ronald Reagan has the biggest influence on foreign policy. Zoom out from still photograph of airplane and adult Caucasian man writing notes on notecard; adult Caucasian male Air Force officer sitting next to him in Oval Office. Two adult Caucasian men in Oval Office going over posterboard content; one posterboard features Middle East map. National Security Advisor Richard Allen standing with a Congressman describing a meeting as "subtle arm twisting" and "dialogue". Secretary of Defense, Caspar Weinberger with Pentagon officials at Congressional hearing. Military officer presenting a slide showing fighter jet and missile. Secretary of State Alexander Haig, testifying in Congressional hearing, says it's vital for Congress to support President Reagan's foreign policy. VS of Foreign Affairs Committee Congressmen, including U.S. House Representative, Clement Zablocki (D-WI).
House Select Committee on Assassinations Chief Counsel G. Robert Blakey introduces JFK exhibit F-661 at hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy. Adult Caucasian female staff member displays enlarged photograph of activity on the Grassy Knoll after President Kennedy was assassinated; man (William Eugene Newman Jr) covering his child, people running. Blakey introduces a copy of Newman’s statement to the Dallas County Sheriff’s Department as JFK exhibit F-645; the Newmans where observing JFK’s motorcade near the curb from the west end of the concrete on Elm St.; Newman fell down on the grass after the shots were fired because it seemed they were in the direct path of fire; Newman thought the shot came from the garden behind him on an elevation from where he was; Newman did not recall looking back towards the Texas School Book Depository.