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Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 25, 1974 (1/2)

Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 25, 1974 (1/2)
Clip: 485635_1_1
Year Shot: 1974 (Actual Year)
Audio: Yes
Video: Color
Tape Master: 10611
Original Film: 03006
HD: N/A
Location: Rayburn House Office Building
Timecode: -

[00.13.38] [continued speech by Rep. BARBARA JORDAN, D-TX] We were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new, evidence forthcoming from the President of the United States. There hasn't even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receive any additional materials from the President. The committee subpena is outstanding and if the President wants to supply that inaterial, the committee sits here. The fact is that on yesterday, the American people -waited with great anxiety for 8 hours, not knowing whether their President would obey an order of the Supreme Court of the United States. At this point I would like to juxtapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of the President's actions. Impeachment criteria : James Madison, from the Virginia Ratification Convention. "If the President be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter him, he may be impeached." We have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects payment to the defendants of money. The President had knowledge that these funds were being paid and that these were funds collected for the 1972 Presidential campaign. We know that the President met with Mr. Henry Petersen 27 times to discuss matters related to Watergate and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information Mr. Petersen was receiving and transmitting to the President. The words are, "if the President be connected in any suspicious manner any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached."justice Story: "Impeachment is intended for occasional and extraordinary cases where a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations." We know about the Huston plan. We know about the break-in of the psychiatrist's office. We know that there was absolute complete direction in August 1971 when the President instructed Ehrlichman to "do whatever is necessary." This instruction led to a surreptitious entry Into Dr. Fielding's office. "Protect their rights." "Rescue their liberties from violation." The South Carolina Ratification Convention impeachment criteria: Those are impeachable "who behave amiss or betray their public trust." Beginning shortly after the Watergate break-in and continuing to the, present time the President has engaged in a series of public statements and actions designed to thwart the lawful investigation by Government prosecutors. Moreover, the President has made public announcements and assertions bearing on the Watergate case which the evidence will show he knew to be false. These assertions, false assertions, impeachable, those who misbehave, those who "behave amiss or betray their public trust." James Madison again at the Constitutional Convention: President is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution." The Constitution charges the President with the task of taking care at the laws be faithfully executed, and yet the President has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregarded the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, concealed surreptitious entry, attempted to compromise a Federal judge while publicly displaying his cooperation with the processes of criminal justice. A President is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution." If the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that 18th century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th century paper shredder. Has the President committed offenses and planned and directed and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the Constitution not tolerate? That is the question. We know that. We know the question. We should now forthwith proceed to answer the question. It .reason, and not passion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision. I Yield back the balance of my time, Mr. Chairman.