WETA and sponsor credits. Title sequence.
U.S. Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill (D-MA) at Speaker's platform: "Pursuant to House Resolution 197...."; adult Caucasian male and female clerks seated at rostrum in FG. Host Edwin Newman (VO): "For all its faults, Congress has endured for 200 years. Is the Congress now moving toward the 21st century still resilient and capable of function for the next 100 years, or has it been sapped of its vitality and effectiveness?" U.S. Representative Ron Dellums (D-CA) speaking, gesticulating at lectern. U.S. Representative Silvio Conte (R-MA) angrily gesticulating, speaking at lectern. Three middle-aged adult Caucasian Congressmen at committee hearing; adult Caucasian male and female photographers in FG, taking pictures. In studio, Newman introduces himself, subject matter, and participants: U.S. Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY), U.S. Senator Dale Bumpers (D-AR), Thomas Mann of the American Political Science Association, and series editor Norman Ornstein. Ornstein says Congress was originally devised in the "horse and buggy days" of the 18th century, but Congress is different today. Out of necessity, it is larger and more complex, but it some senses it still bears resemblances to an 18th century institution trying bear the burdens of modern society. How well is it holding up?
U.S. Representative Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL) in office, states there are many dedicated people working in government doing their best to govern in very complicated scenarios. Series editor Norman Ornstein (VO) states that Rep. Rostenkowski's colleagues acknowledge the complicated nature of governing; contemporary Congress has been complicated by large increases in size and scope. Adult Caucasian Congressman looking over papers from seat on panel. Rep. Rostenkowski leaning over, talking with Representatives Richard Schulze (R-PA) and Louis Bafalis (R-FL) of the House Ways and Means Committee. Stone emblem of eagle with outstretched wings; House Committee meeting in progress. Painting of 1829 Capitol Building.
Norman Ornstein (VO) states the Capitol today has become a city within itself, that there are now 540 members of Congress and 17,000 Congressional staffers, and with the expansion of staff, there has come an expansion of power, which leaves some forms of governing in un-elected hands. Panorama of Capitol Hill area with the Capitol and office buildings. Congressional staffers working in office. Unidentified middle-aged adult Caucasian Congressman leaning over closely and speaking to seated middle-aged adult Caucasian Congressman. Adult Caucasian male staffers in a meeting with U.S. House Representative David Stockman (R-MI). Analyst Michael Malbin says staffers can be independent and relatively free from constraint. U.S. House Representative Newt Gingrich (R-GA) says Congressmen need to rely on large staffs, given the complexity of Congressional affairs. Rep. Gingrich meeting with staff members consisting of two adult Caucasian men, two adult Caucasian females, and one adult African American female. Ornstein (VO) notes that along with the increase in staff, Congress has also altered the power structure by spreading responsibilities to rank and file members of Congress. Rostrum and well in House of Representatives chamber, Congressmen speaking with one another; Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill (D-MA) speaking with unidentified Congressman in BG.
Norman Ornstein (VO) says committee and subcommittee power expansion began in the 1970s, that critics believe these reforms decentralize power too much. Adult Caucasian Congressmen and women taking part in various House committee hearings. U.S. House Representative Tom Foley (D-WA) says reforms may have created too many subcommittees and chairmen, that changes are underway. Ornstein (VO) rebuts, says that proliferation of power has representatives doing more inside and outside of Congress, though workload is made less manageable by campaign efforts of lawmakers and their staff. Adult Caucasian Congressmen in committee meeting. U.S. House Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-OH) speaking at lectern on House floor. Rep. Kaptur walking with adult Caucasian male workers wearing hard hats, waving to camera. Caucasian adult male and female staffers working in election office of U.S. Senator David Durenberger. U.S. Sen. Paul Sarbanes (D-MD) says the pace of re-election and campaigning overrides the duties of Congressmen to serve in office, which focuses too much on winning a campaign rather than making the most of the time a legislator has while in office. Ornstein (VO) adds that campaign costs money as well as time, and those costs are skyrocketing, forcing legislators to turn to special interest groups and political action committees to defray costs. Sen. Durenberger campaigning, waving to audience from podium. Hand of adult Caucasian male writing a check. Letters rolling from mass-mailing machine in Sen. Durenberger's campaign office. Fred Wertheimer, President of Common Cause, says campaign financing is perverting the processes of the government, but the current legislative process is not equipped to deal with this type of problem. Ornstein (VO) differentiates those who criticize legal campaign funding with the problem of illegal campaign contributions such as the Abscam and "Koreagate" scandals. Surveillance tape footage from Congressional "Abscam" bribery scandal showing three adult Caucasian men sitting and talking in a living room. Adult Korean male witness testifying in "Koreagate" bribery scandal. U.S. House Representative Wyche Fowler Jr. (D-GA) in House, says when one member of Congress is called into questionable conduct, the entire body is called into question, and the institution is the name that must be cleared. Ornstein (VO) notes that while a combination of factors has led to a negative perception of Congress, the individual representative fares much better. U.S. House Speaker Tip O'Neill (D-MA) on Speaker's platform, reading from notes. Political scientist Michael Robinson states that while the national media tends to focus on scandal and corruption, local press focuses on more pragmatic, parochial, pork-related concerns, so there is a schizophrenic view of Congress in the public: one where citizen may like their representative, but dislike Congress on the whole.
Host Edwin Newman discusses a recent poll of former Congressmen revealing negative attitudes about the effectiveness, discipline, and ethics of Congress as a whole, and doubts about the institution's ability to improve. Newman asks U.S. House Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY) if that is also the view of current Congressman as well. Rep. Cheney says he has experienced frustration serving in Congress from time to time, but overall he does not share a pessimistic view of Congress, and perhaps those views from former Congressmen are biased given they were defeated, otherwise, they'd still be serving. U.S. Senator Dale Bumpers (R-AR) says there are vested interests in maintaining the status quo of the Senate rather than increasing efficiency. He thinks improvements can be made to both chambers of Congress, but it doesn't help when members of Congress denigrate the very institution itself and the media plays along. Rep. Cheney says there's a conflict between capturing the true representative nature of the American landscape and efficiency, and people need to realize there are trade-offs. Congress needs to be changed in order for it to be more efficient, but as it stands, Congress represents the true fabric of the nation. Thomas Mann of the American Political Science Association believes people romanticize a past Congress that was efficient and leaders kept their members in line, running the institution smoothly. In reality, there were no real "good old days" in Congress, and there have always been problems in the functioning of Congress. Modern day Congress is messy, under strain, and decentralized, but there are some advantages. Legislation faces fewer roadblocks through Congress, as an example.
Series editor Norman Ornstein points out that making laws is messy by nature, and with Congressional activity more open than ever to media exposure, those messier aspects of legislating are subject to public scrutiny. Another factor is the world has changed, become more complicated, so that tends to lead to more pessimistic viewpoints when solutions to problems are not apparent or easy to implement. Show host Edwin Newman asks if the Congressional establishment needs to be as large as it is. U.S. Senator Dale Bumpers (D-AR) suggests reforming tenure in Civil Service. In a representative government where politicians are supposed to respond to the people and be held accountable, yet no matter how many names and faces change in either chamber or in the White House, the bureaucrats never really go away, so that needs to change. Ornstein asks about Senate staffs, if they really are running things more than they should. Senator Bumpers says yes, but each Senator uses their staff differently. Newman asks whether there is the perception that staffers are becoming "un-elected members of Congress." U.S. Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY) thinks that is true despite the House having less committee assignments and workload than Senators. He understands staffers are needed to provide information but there is the danger of information overload. Rep. Cheney thinks there is a more efficient way to get information and make informed decisions, but nothing is coming soon.
Show host Edwin Newman asks U.S. Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY) what stands in the way of reforming the Congressional staffing system. Rep. Cheney thinks the best way is to let Republicans run the House. There would be no quicker way to get rid of two-thirds of staffs and start anew. That does not guarantee overall success, but why not give Republicans a chance to try? U.S. Senator Dale Bumper (D-AR) states that, given nostalgia of a past that never was, one thing that has changed is the constant campaigning. Even given the six year term of a Senator, there is constant pressure to appeal to special interest groups and to vote in ways that doesn't hurt re-election chances, which takes away from time that needs to be spent actually governing. In that sense, Senators are behaving the same way as the House.
Host Edwin Newman asks how well Congress is working within the entire federal system of government. Norman Ornstein describes the basics of checks and balances originally designed for the federal government and how the first branch was designed to be Congress. But is Congress still the preeminent branch, or has Presidential power overtaken? Former U.S. Representative Charles Wiggins (R-CA) describes the debate surrounding U.S. President Richard Nixon's impeachment debate in context of struggle between Congress and the President over power.
Former U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower discussing the need to work with Democrats in Congress. Without Democratic help in Congress, President Eisenhower couldn't pass anything. Norman Ornstein (VO) states that every Congress has accused the White House of usurping its power.
Norman Ornstein (VO) disputes Congress's claim that the President usurps their power. U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt seated and laughing at outdoor photo op, adult Caucasian men standing around him.
Former U.S. President Harry Truman speaking. Norman Ornstein (VO) states the President cannot usurp power unless Congress decides to relinquish it.
Norman Ornstein (VO) references the Senate's power of confirmation. U.S. Senator Charles Percy (R-IL) speaking in Senate Foreign Relations Committee meeting. Sen. Percy, in his office, says the President cannot even name an ambassador nor approve the promotion of a Second Lieutenant to Captain in the military without the Senate's confirmation. Every cabinet member must be confirmed by the Senate. Ornstein (VO) states most confirmation hearings are perfunctory and seldom is a nominee turned down. Sen. Percy shaking hands and speaking with with unidentified adult Caucasian man; adult Caucasian male and female photographers take pictures.
Norman Ornstein (VO) says the Senate has the power to impeach a government official, but it is rarely exercised. For example, only Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase has been impeached. U.S. Senator Sam Ervin (D-NC) chairing Watergate hearings. Illustrations of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Chase and impeachment trial in 1803.
U.S. President Richard Nixon reading resignation speech in televised address. Norman Ornstein (VO) states that before Nixon, only Andrew Johnson was impeached, though he narrowly avoided conviction and remained in office. Portrait of U.S. President Andrew Johnson. Illustration of Johnson's Senate Impeachment trial. Richard and Pat Nixon walking along red carpet on White House lawn with Gerald Ford and Betty Ford; military guard on either side of red carpet as they walk to Marine One. Chief of Staff Alexander Haig gives thumbs up sign. President Nixon waves from steps of Marine One helicopter.
U.S. President Ronald Reagan at press conference: "...I will veto any tax bill that will do this. And I will veto spending bills that will rekindle fires of inflation and high interest rates." Norman Ornstein (VO) says it takes a two-thirds majority of both houses of Congress to override a Presidential veto, which is rarely possible; in modern times, Congress has exercised the legislative veto, which used to cancel specific actions by the executive branch, the most notable example being the War Powers Act. Packed House of Representatives with all members standing and applauding. Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill (D-MA) entering chamber. O'Neill approaching Speaker's platform, using gavel to open session. Page of the War Powers Act of 1974.
U.S. Army soldiers deploying from two Huey helicopters in Vietnam; helicopters take off. Norman Ornstein (VO) states the War Powers Act was designed to curb the President's power to send combat troops abroad without a Congressional declaration of war.
Judge Abner Mikva discusses the lines of power between Congress and the President in matters of war and foreign policy. Norman Ornstein (VO) says the Supreme Court ruled the "Legislative Veto" unconstitutional in 1983, leaving the status of the War Powers Act in limbo; while Congress complained about the decision, some Congressman kept in mind that Congress still has the power of the purse. U.S. Supreme Court building. U.S. Capitol building, U.S. flag flying. U.S. Representative Dante Fascell (D-FL) in office, says that in spite of losing the "Legislative Veto," Congress can and should exercise a check on war powers through power of the purse.
Program host Edwin Newman mentions the White House recently seized the narrative on budget talks, angering some members of Congress, though this is only possible due to the tacit acquiescence of the majority of Congress. Newman asks U.S. Senator Dale Bumpers (D-AR) if Congress has lost its preeminence to the Presidency. Sen. Bumpers says the Presidency has gotten too powerful relative to Congress, due to Congress taking a pass on tough issues. He includes himself in this. U.S. Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY) admits to the same, argues this is a dynamic process and that in the 1970's Congress passed several bills limiting the President's military powers in a number of foreign conflicts. Rep. Cheney thinks Congress has adapted well to the changes of modern society, does not think the government could function properly if it was intent on conducting business in the same manner the Founding Fathers did. Thomas Mann of the American Political Science Association says by comparison to other democracies, the legislative branch is plenty powerful. There also is a need to think about balance of power less in terms of supremacy between the branches, but in terms of whether each branch is fulfilling its function. Norman Ornstein says the American system operates to push the politics toward the center which creates the balance that Rep. Cheney had touched upon.
Program host Edwin Newman asks if anyone thinks there should be Constitutional Reform. U.S. Representative Dick Cheney (R-WY) says no, though he concedes internal reform with committees is necessary. Newman asks what Rep. Cheney would change; Cheney thinks consolidating power within the leadership and reducing the number of committees would be a more efficient way to run Congress. U.S. Senator Dale Bumpers (D-AR) says President Ronald Reagan has jumped into a void of power that Congress left open deliberately. Congress does this because it ducks the difficult issues by writing simple laws that are sent to be complicated with bureaucratic legalese which turns the originally simple law into some complicated and unpopular. In turning over issues to the bureaucrats, it is in effect handing power over to the President. Newman asks if the power of the purse really exists. Rep. Cheney believes it does, but it is not always applied with precision. The power of the purse does provide a level of oversight, although that power is sometimes kept ambiguous in legislation in order to accommodate compromises and flexibility.
Thomas Mann of the American Political Science Association discusses the parochial and image-driven tendencies of Congress; there need to be mechanisms to ensure that Congressional members keep a view to the big picture instead of the next election. Program host Edwin Newman asks if this means strong, more disciplined parties. Mann does not believe you can have the party discipline of a parliamentary system, but the American system works better when Congressional members think more on what their party stands for as opposed to the individual wants and needs. Norman Ornstein says despite the fear of gridlock, the present system requires a consensus to be reached before taking action, which is an important protection against rash actions or tyranny. Newman concludes by saying Congress has defects, some of them built in and unavoidable. Those defects, while resulting in stalemates, avoid the possibility of dictatorships. Looking back, Congress has adapted over the course of time which suggests that Congress will continue to adjust to changing times and make appropriate course corrections. Newman signs off.
Closing credits/WETA credit