Show notes containing agency, title, and length; number countdown flashes. National Educational Television network logo appears.
Seal of The National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences affixed to a podium; zoom out with "NET Journal" and "Television and The White House" title cards superimposed, revealing a long table on stage with adult Caucasian men and women seated in the FG. John Cannon, President of the Academy's Forum Committee, speaks at the podium, providing an introduction to the unprecedented meeting of three former Presidential Press Secretaries who will discuss the changing role of media in the White House along with chosen White House Correspondents. Cannon introduces Frank McGee, Dan Rather, Bill Moyers, Pierre Salinger, James Hagerty, and moderator Edward Morgan.
Moderator, Edward Morgan explain how this program will proceed; audience of adult Caucasian males and females seated, listening. Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers provides his introduction, joking about the previous White House Press Secretaries being the originators of the "credibility gap" and their invention of the "planted question" which was improved upon until his arrival, wherein he took it to another level with the "planted answers"; Pierre Salinger, James Hagerty, Dan Rather, and Frank McGee listening. Moyers contends that television coverage is concerned with the "untutored senses". Television provides an image, an impression to its viewers, and appears to provide a full picture, when that is always not true. The easiest, most deceptive way of conveying an impression is to keep repeating it.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers continues providing his introduction regarding television's role in the White House. Viewers are seeing a simplified view of events taking place at the White House when the "technicality of the information defies simple meaning". The meaning of an event is more important than its appearance; Pierre Salinger and James Hagerty, smoking, seated next to Moyers. Moyers saying that reporters are needed in order to add meaning to the simple appearance of events; audience of adult Caucasian men and women seated, listening as well as Dan Rather and Frank McGee. Television in the White House needs to convey more than an image of what happened.
Moderator Edward Morgan turns to former Press Secretary to U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Pierre Salinger for his opening statement; seated in between James Hagerty and Bill Moyers. Wide view of panel of White House Press Secretaries and Correspondents on stage; adult Caucasian male and female audience in FG. Salinger tries to explain what a White House Press Secretary does by telling a story about Moses' Press Secretary as a long form joke that ends in laughter and applause, including from James Hagerty, Dan Rather, and Frank McGee.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Pierre Salinger acknowledges that his approach to the job in the White House came from the groundwork laid by Press Secretary James Hagerty during the Eisenhower Administration. The argument against broadcasting the Presidential Press Conferences was the fear of showing the President making a mistake that would be seen, instantly, around the world. Salinger's counter argument was that in the time of rapidly evolving communication any mistakes the President makes would be known soon enough. Salinger believed it would be beneficial to connect more people to the thinking, thoughts, and policies of the President. He notes that before press conferences were televised only six newspapers published full transcripts of the event. They had a majority of power up to that point; audience of adult Caucasian males and females. Wide view of press secretaries, moderator, and correspondents on stage; audience in FG.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Pierre Salinger states that they wanted television to provide a behind the scenes view into the White House. Dan Rather and Frank McGee, listening. Salinger believes there are two questions when it comes to television in the White House: how television is utilized in the White House to communicate its citizens, and how television affects public opinion, then public policy in the country. For the first time, a war being fought 12,000 miles away, yet is witnessed at home on television. Television came of age in between the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations. Salinger doesn't think U.S. President John F. Kennedy would have been elected if not for televised debates; Kennedy/Nixon joke is made off camera. Going forward, political leaders may rise on the basis of their performance in front of the television. Wide view of press secretaries, correspondents seated on stage; audience of adult Caucasian males and females in FG.
Moderator Edward Morgan provides a brief introduction for former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty, who is seated with colleagues Pierre Salinger and Bill Moyers. Audience of adult Caucasian males and females. Hagerty has unique experience on the panel, but will limit his remarks to his time within White House, then perhaps expand his thoughts in the Q&A session. Hagerty believes evolution of television in the White House is key, whether it is terms of format or equipment. Hagerty recalls his time as Press Secretary between Election Day and Inauguration Day where discussions were being had with representatives from both radio and television. Radio had fought long and hard and had become accepted as a medium for news reporting. Television was very new, and though large events, like the Inauguration, was covered, day-to-day coverage of the White House and Washington D.C. saw television news representatives looked upon as "second-class citizens".
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty discusses the nature in which television news representatives were treated in the early days of the Eisenhower Administration as Dan Rather and Frank McGee listen, take notes. Hagerty notes that he had discussion with President Eisenhower, who told him to look into the matter, and was emphatic in making sure all news organizations were given equal opportunity to cover the administration; audience of adult Caucasian males and females listening. There were technical issues. Fast film had not been invented yet, and electronic cameras couldn't fit in a room, originally known as the Indian Treaty Room. Once technical improvements were made and tested, accommodations were made to film a Presidential press conference. The printed press made their jokes about it, but Hagerty let it be known that television was here to stay. Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience in FG.
Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG; former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty, notes the progression of television within Washington D.C. politics. He and President Eisenhower filmed press conferences, while Pierre Salinger held live press conferences in a larger room, and Bill Moyers expanded that even further. Hagerty believes future Press Secretaries will continue to expand press access through television and, as he mentioned before, television is here to stay. He ends his remarks to applause.
Moderator Edward Morgan praises the three Press Secretaries for their ability to share information with one another with no partisan tilt in order to, not to try and fool the press, but assist each other with complicated problems of communications in radio and television; Bill Moyers, Pierre Salinger, and James Hagerty seated together. It deserves praise in the midst of the open criticism all three have received during their time as Press Secretary.
Former Press Secretaries Bill Moyers, Pierre Salinger, and James Hagerty seated together as Edward Morgan gives Frank McGee the first question. McGee, seated next to Dan Rather, directs the first question a Salinger, asking how he views the job as Press Secretary and where is the responsibility: "telling the American public the truth, or protecting the President?" Salinger states that the duty is to the President, to act as the public relations arm of the President. He does have a responsibility to the press, and, by extension, to the American public. Salinger thought of himself as a kind of reporter who had access to structures within the White House and could gather information, answers, that other reporters could not. It's true that the President wants to put forth the best face to his policies, but his policies will not succeed in the long term if he not candid with the American people.
Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG; former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty, interjects, telling Frank McGee that he would be surprised how often the Press Secretaries have fought the battles of the press for them. They may not have always won, but they fought for them. Hagerty continues, adding that his first obligation was to the President. McGee asks where that leaves the press, when they have to believe the Press Secretary. Hagerty retorts that if its too tough for the press figure that out, then they're in the wrong business. McGee bluntly asks whether it's for the Press Secretary to know and the White House correspondents to find out; Press Secretaries Pierre Salinger and Bill Moyers sitting next to Hagerty. Hagerty replies they do their best to convey thinking, philosophies, actions of the President when the President doesn't wish to personally speak.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty, continues speaking to Frank McGee. He thinks government has to be divided into two separate areas. Nothing should be held back on domestic and non-sensitive agencies of the federal government. In the area of foreign policy and international affairs, sometimes no comment can be given until the President makes a decision. The press is free to try and find out information, as nothing stays a secret in Washington D.C. unless no one talks. Moderator Edward Morgan (o/s) gives former Press Secretary to Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers, a chance to speak, with perhaps a contrarian viewpoint.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers admits --- as the previous press secretaries sitting next to him have admitted --- that he is torn between "the necessity of serving two masters". He has obligations to the President, but also feels obligations towards the men that are trying to convey understanding and perception to the American people. For the most part, Moyers sees the White House Press Corps as men trying to do their jobs without trying to embarrass the President, the country, or betray confidences
Moderator Edward Morgan turns to Dan Rather for this question. Rather first respectfully disagrees with former Press Secretaries Bill Moyers, Pierre Salinger, and James Hagerty regarding their primary obligation. He thinks their first obligation is to the American public. Rather continues a long form question --- pre-empted by first calling the press secretaries before him "honest and honorable men" --- regarding his displeasure when he knows "in my guts, and in my heart" that he's being lied to. He lists U2, Bay of Pigs, and Vietnam as examples. He cannot understand why, though he can envision times where the rationale exists for telling a lie. Rather wants to know how and who makes the decision to purposely mislead the reporters, and the American people. He understands that in the White House, gray areas permeate the truth, but nonetheless, there are still outright lies that are told. Pierre Salinger tells a joke that Rather believes may have some truth to it.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Pierre Salinger believes Dan Rather has a distorted view of what goes on at the White House. Rather acknowledges that. Salinger states that in the time in was Press Secretary, he was never told by anyone to deliberately mislead the press and he never did so. Salinger speaks to the imagination of newsmen breaking down government barriers, only to become monsters upon entering government, and trying to deceive the press. Rather responds that, to the contrary, he doesn't think they turn into monsters. What he doesn't understand is the process. Salinger, sitting between James Hagerty and Bill Moyers, states the central issue is between the press and government in the area of national security. Salinger is unaware of any instances where the press was lied, but certainly there were times where information was withheld. Regarding the Cuban Missile Crisis, it's Salinger's opinion that withholding information was the right thing to do.
Frank McGee doesn't think there is any disagreement regarding White House obfuscation on matters of national security with the White House Press Corps. McGee wants to ask all three former Press Secretaries whether there was ever a time whether certain facts were withheld under the umbrella of national security, when they knew "in their own minds and hearts" that national security was not involved. James Hagerty answers: "yes, until a final decision has been made"; Pierre Salinger and Bill Moyers sit next to him. Hagerty gives an example where a channel in the Hudson River needs expansion. The President needs information from several agencies in the government before making a decision. Newsmen will also hunt for information, but they will get it in pieces, not having the full picture. When Hagerty is asked about it, he'll say: "No comment". He references a Calvin Coolidge quote as a good rule for Press Secretaries: "I never remember getting in trouble for something I never said".
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower, James Hagerty continues turns to issues of national security and complicated foreign affairs with covert activities. Hagerty acknowledges the government engages in a lot of covert activities, but obviously he cannot talk about them. Frank McGee repeats his question again, looking for a specific answer to it. Hagerty cannot remember any instance where he withheld information that did not have national security implications, but was used as an excuse; Pierre Salinger and Bill Moyers sitting next to him. He admits he "cut it fine a lot of times". Moderator Edward Morgan turns to Moyers for his answer. Moyers quotes George Bernard Shaw: "I am not a professional liar, and I’m surprised at the extent to which, in my infirmity, I’m an amateur one." He then answers the question: "Definitely, no". Moyers adds that he hid behind many other camouflages.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers calls it "the essence of contradiction that confounds the reporter" at the White House when they have a piece of information, but not the whole picture. There are several ways a reporter may perceive information is being withheld or someone is lying when in fact someone questioned doesn't know or have any information because they were not a part of the story, or information obtained is incomplete. These are just a few problems the Press Secretary has to deal with; wide view of Moyers sitting with Pierre Salinger, James Hagerty and Dan Rather and Frank McGee on stage with the audience of adult Caucasia males and females seated in FG. Moyers cannot recall one time where he, or anyone else working with him, used the cloak of national security to deceive or mislead the American people. Moyers emphasizes there were national security judgement calls regarding information that should be withheld.
Wide view of the moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG; former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty brings up another facet of the discussion. He approximates about two thousands trained newsmen in Washington D.C., and the one thing every newsman hates is someone else getting an exclusive. On occasion, a reporter comes to the Press Secretary and they have a story "cold", to which he has to confirm. However, then other reporters come calling the Press Secretary a liar, or holding out. Hagerty provides an example of such a thing happening to him in while the President was in Europe. A couple reporters had "a story cold", came to Hagerty, and he gave them no comment, but the story got printed anyway. Men and women laughing as Bill Moyers seeks to pose a question to Frank McGee and Dan Rather.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers asks Frank McGee and Dan Rather to pretend they are Press Secretary for the President to a scenario where they are in the room with the President when a very prominent member of the administration comes to offer their resignation. The man is serious about it, has only told his wife, and intends to resign that afternoon. The President speaks to the man for four and a half hours and changes the man's mind. That evening, a reporter comes and states they have a source stating the man is resigning. How would they answer? McGee states he would try to not outright lie to the reporter, but also try to stop him from going ahead with the misinformation he has. Moyers states that was his position. McGee interjects that until he actually becomes Press Secretary, he's not about to do that. Adult Caucasian male and female audience laugh and applaud. Pierre Salinger wants to direct himself right at McGee's original question.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Pierre Salinger talks about one aspect of press policy that he had "serious misgivings about" during his time as Press Secretary, and it has been compounded in the current administration of President Lyndon B. Johnson. Speaking about Vietnam, both the Kennedy and Johnson Administration have tried to put the best possible spin on the war, even when the fact were to the contrary. Salinger recalls that the growing involvement of U.S. in Vietnam was something that the Kennedy Administration did not want to broadcast. The government's relationship with the American people regarding Vietnam is a result of the faulty prediction that continue to be made. This would have been avoidable if the government was candid with the American people about the Vietnam War from the outset.
Moderator Edward Morgan sticks to the theme of candor and brings up the "Pueblo Incident". Morgan characterizes the event as something that broke overnight, and the Johnson Administration's reaction was defensive, though it was "unnecessarily defensive". Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG. Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers states he has naïve attitude about it. The President was trying to do his best to "run the affairs of state" and the press was trying to do their best to find out what was going on. "They are, by nature, adversaries." He finds it difficult to judge anyone on the Pueblo Incident because it difficult to judge men who are on the inside. Moyers believes that the administration relented to the press too quickly. It is better to stay silent until you know what you want to say.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers discusses the preparations of the President's operation in 1965; Pierre Salinger and James Hagerty seated next to Moyers. Considerations were taken into account on potential global, economic, and stock market impacts should any erroneous reports be made public. A plan was made to tell only a select few people what was going on, should any news leak, and that the operation would be made public five minutes after the stock market closed for the day. Forty-five minutes before the public announcement was scheduled, a wire service reporter ask him if the President was ill. Moyers details the way he skirted around the reporter's questions without lying, though misleading. He bought himself the necessary time before breaking the news. Naturally, the reporter was furious with him because he had a scoop, but if he had gone with the story, it would have been "damaging".
Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG. Dan Rather, sitting next Frank McGee, empathizes with the difficult job of the Press Secretary, but wonders if a middle ground could be found with regard to the anecdote former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers, had just told. Rather suggests telling the reporter the truth, in exchange for keeping it off the record until it was ready to be made public. Moyers doesn't think so in that instances, but thinks of another instance where such an arrangement was made. Unfortunately, that set off a chain reaction from the reporter's end that involved the network, advertisers, and public relations departments, which then circled back to a different reporter who heard the President want time at 4pm to break news. Moyers does not see candor and honesty as the same in particular situations.
Dan Rather and Frank McGee sit side-by-side. Former Press Secretaries James Hagerty, Pierre Salinger, and Bill Moyers seated together. Moderator Edward Morgan infers an implicit question from Dan Rather and states that television can portray a President as more or less credible than another. Since he has served two Presidents, Salinger is asked to respond. Salinger believes television has played a key role in a whole variety of divisions which exist today between the people and their government. Television has an instantaneous quality. Television has made the American people impatient. Within that context, Salinger sees that the enlargement of the management of the news has also enlarged the conflict between the press and the government. Salinger admits that government, in the past years, has been guilty, has made "incorrect statements", but so has the press. Television has had a major impact in all this, hasn't been studied enough, and is poorly understood today.
Moderator Edward Morgan turns to former Press Secretary for U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers, asking for Moyers thoughts on the subject of television since he has borne the greatest burden "of the problem of the alleged incredibility, image-wise, on television of President Johnson"; James Hagerty and Pierre Salinger seated next to Moyers and an audience of adult Caucasian males and females sit in the FG.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers doesn't think the credibility issue surrounding Vietnam is due to any deliberate attempt of the Johnson administration to deceive the public; former Press Secretaries James Hagerty and Pierre Salinger seated next to him. Instead, in the moment, there were poor judgements made that the administration believed would be successful. In hindsight, Moyers states the administration should have gone to Congress for a formal declaration of war and been more forthright with the American people about how many soldiers would be needed. Instead, America "edged" or "backed into this war". Then, Americans "woke up one morning" to see how much this war had cost, and felt cheated because they "got there without having known where they were going and why". Moyers attributes the problem to misjudgment and miscalculation which includes the anticipation that the war would be over quickly.
Former Press Secretary to U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, Bill Moyers continues his explanation of the previous Vietnam judgements, including the Tonkin Resolution; wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG. The Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was requested by President Johnson, not in hopes of using it, but to show Ho Chi Minh that he had the backing of Congress, and that if Minh didn't stop his invasion of South Vietnam, President Johnson had the means attack Minh. Deployment of soldiers in increments was meant encourage the North Vietnamese to scale down their attacks on South Vietnam. If half a million soldiers were deployed at once, there was a fear that the Soviet Union would join an open alliance with North Vietnam or that the Chinese would become involved. Moyers contends that these actions were not meant to be deceptive, but they were clearly mistakes.
Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG; Edward Morgan turns to former Press Secretary to U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, James Hagerty, when discussing the origins of the Vietnam War. Morgan mentions John Foster Dulles' refusal to sign the Geneva Accords. Hagerty has no comment about the past, and for the present, "you can't fight a war with one arm tied behind your back". Secondly, if you're going to fight a war, you cannot give blueprints in advance to those opposed to you in what you're going to do. Third, there have been overly optimistic announcements coming from Saigon and the U.S. government. You can't have news of major battles, fighting in cities, and paint an optimistic picture.
Wide view of moderator, press secretaries, and correspondents on stage; audience of Caucasian males and females in FG; Edward Morgan thinks it is ironic in an age of instant communication there is still a "lack of penetration". Morgan states time is coming to a close and opines that there is a "built-in tension between government and the press that will continue and is a good thing in an open society". When a non-partisan expert like George Gallup sees new lows regarding trust in the government and government officials, there need to be more discussions like this one. Morgan thanks everyone and turns the proceeding back to John Cannon, President of the Academy's Forum Committee. Cannon gives final credits and signs off.
Seal of The National Academy of Television Arts and Sciences affixed to a podium; superimposed title card credits appear. VS adult Caucasian men and women leaving the area, socializing; Frank McGee and Dan Rather speaking with the former Press Secretaries, particularly Bill Moyers. National Educational Television Network logo.