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Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 29, 1973 (1/2)
[00.17.46-DEAN discusses his knowledge of attempts by HALDEMAN to get operatives to find compromising information for leverage against Sen. ERVIN.] Mr. DEAN. Mr. Dent is a former special counsel to the President. His Principal area of activity was in the political area with regard to Southern States. I believe he is from the chairman's State. He has departed from the White, Rouge, staff and is in the private practice of law. He was on the White House staff for a number of years. I believe, he was in the, 1969 campaign, and he operates his law practice in both North Carolina and Washington, D.C. [00.18.22] Senator INOUYE. Was this type. of activity part of the job description? Mr. DEAN. Part of his job description? I believe the activity that is referred to occurred after Mr. Dent had departed from the White House staff. Senator INOUYE. Are, you aware if this activity did, in fact, occur? Mr. DEAN. No, sir. I have no firsthand knowledge, of that, the, only recollection I have of any effort, to get any information on the, chairman came to me when I had. after returning from Florida--from the La Costa meetings I went, as I recall, on the 12th to Florida and spent a Week down there. [00.19.03-the WATERGATE was taken away from the general Press group at the White House] When I returned back, I wanted to reconfirm With Baroody, the attack group which is a group of media-oriented people who had formerly operated under Mr. Colson would no longer--would stay out of the Watergate area, that they would not have this on their morning agenda, and it was also In connection with this meeting that, the President was asking that a speech be prepared to counteroffensive the general thrust of these hearings by laying out the number of demonstrations he had been subject to and the fact these, had been paid for by Democrats and the like. [00.19.44] I can recall Mr. Baroody and I also discussing other areas of counteroffensive and the like. It was that time that he told me, either that night or the next night that he -was meeting with some people from North Carolina and they thought they may have some interesting information on the Senator. Senator INOUYE. Were any other members of this committee subjected to special treatment? One member has suggested that he has been subjected to special treatment. Were other members subjected to special treatment? Mr. DEAN. Not to my knowledge. I -was not involved in that particular activity; no sir. Senator INOUYE. Did you ever discuss special treatment? Mr. DEAN. It very well could have come up at La Costa as to---- Senator INOUYE. I am testing your power of recollection. Mr. DEAN. Yes, sir. Senator INOUYE. It happened just recently; what can you recall, sir? Mr. DEAN. With regard to other members of the committee? [00.20.51-Sen. INOUYE tries to dig deeper into the strategy hatched to deal with the ERVIN committee, probing for evidence of attempts to influence, impede, or tamper] Senator INOUYE. Yes, sir; because I can't imagine meeting for 12 hours and just deciding that Senator so and so is an attorney, he practiced for 10 years, he was born in 1934. Mr. DEAN. No, sir; that was a very brief part of the meeting in the early morning on the first day in which there was a great disappointment at the fact that the White House had not had more influence on deciding who would be a member of the committee from the Republican side certainly, and I -would hope, and I would assume if they could have had any influence on the totality of the appointment of the committee they would have been very happy but they had at least hoped to have an influence on the appointment and selection of the minority members. I think that is -very clearly reflected in this document that I have submitted to the committee from Mr. Haldeman. [00.21.39] Senator INOUYE. Did you discuss the possibility of digging up dirt on any one of the members here? Mr. DEAN. We hadn't gotten around to that at that point, Senator. I said we had not gotten to that point yet. Senator INOUYE. When did you get to that point, sir? Mr. DEAN. I am trying to recall specifically, I think it -was just to familiarize--when I -was reading from the Congressional Directory, a number of the members of the committee were men I did not know. I had prior dealings -with the chairman, I had had prior dealings with Senator Gurney, I had had prior dealings -with Senator Weicker. They were the only members of the committee I knew. Mr. Timmons -had given his assessment to Mr. Haldeman and this was just a, general session at this point as to the composition of the committee, the general philosophy and makeup of the committee. [00.22.51]
Watergate Impeachment Hearings House Judiciary Committee, July 29, 1974. Barbara Jordan (D - Texas).
Watergate Impeachment Hearings House Judiciary Committee, July 29, 1974. Barbara Jordan (D - Texas). Peter Rodino (D New Jersey). I recognize the gentleman from Massachusetts, Father Drinan. Robert Drinan (D Massachusetts). I am happy to yield to Ms. Jordan 1 minute of my time. Ms. Jordan. Peter Rodino (D New Jersey). The gentlelady from Texas is recognized. Barbara Jordan (D Texas). Thank you, Mr. Drinan. Mr. Chairman, one phrase in subparagraph 3 of article II which has generated much debate is that acting personally or through his subordinates and agents. There is no need to substantiate this phrase by agreeing or disagreeing with the Madison Superintendency Theory, because the charges which underlie this phrase are permeated with Presidential command, Presidential directions, the President in charge. The colloquy which gives the greatest clue to this chain of command as the President knowing what his subordinates did, is not the testimony of Mr. Butterfield. We don t have to rely on him. We have an exchange between Mr. Thornton of Arkansas and Mr. John Mitchell. Mr. Thornton. Did you ever check to determine whether or not the information relayed to you through Mr. Haldeman was a correct reflection of the President's instructions? Mr. Mitchell. There may have been occasions, Congressman, but I would have to say that in most all instances that I can recall Mr. Haldeman's representations to me of the President's position were truthfully and fully stated. Mr. Thornton. Did you ever check with the President to determine whether information you had passed toward him through Mr. Haldeman had been received by him? Mr. Mitchell. No, I don't believe I did. But I think there again the record of actions coming from such line of communication would indicate that they were fully and faithfully conveyed.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities May 17,1973
DO NOT USE NARRATION OF JIM LEHRER Summary of opening statements graphic-- Hour #1: Senators' Viewpoints, Odle C.R.P. summary of Robert Odle's testimony (Committee to Re-Elect) Summary of Bruce Kehrli's testimony (White House staff) Summary of Paul Leeper (Washington, D.C. Police, arrestor of Watergate burglars) Shot of committee table, pan to wide view of caucus room, photographers, reporters, low noise from crowd.
DNC Committee Members
Democratic National Committee members at platform hearing. U.S. Senator and Presidential Candidate Gary Hart (D-CO) seated at table; adult Caucasian males take photographs. Main table featuring U.S. House Representative Geraldine Ferraro (D-NY), Washington D.C. Mayor Marion Barry (D), Syracuse, New York Mayor Lee Alexander (D), Russell Pace, and Samuel Shapiro. Rep. Ferraro introduces Sen. Hart, praises his ideas and touts his future in politics, looks forward to hearing his views and opinions on how the Democratic Party platform and policies should be shaped. Hart states the threats facing the U.S. at home and abroad: nuclear weapons build-up, yearly deficits of $200 billion, sending soldiers to Lebanon, supporting un-democratic causes in Central America, and neglecting the poor, hungry, and homeless.
House Subcommittee Shreddergate Investigation
House Public Works and Transportation Committee conducting hearing into the shredding of public documents by the Environmental Protection Agency. U.S. Representative Elliot H. Levitas (D-GA) questions EPA General Counsel Robert M. Perry, explaining Congress’ responsibility to proper conduct when dealing with EPA files. Perry claims the destruction of documents on Dioxin pollution site in Missouri was authorized by President Ronald Reagan, citing the President held Executive Privilege. Perry says it was his duty as an executive officer to ensure Executive Privilege was not compromised, by destroying the documents. Rep Levitas questions whether this was Executive Privilege, references previous questioning of EPA Administrator Anne M. Gorsuch. Perry says the EPA had to obey Reagan’s order. Rep. Levitas concludes questioning.
U.S. House Sexual Misconduct Investigation
Wide view of adult Caucasian and African American, predominantly male, cameramen, filming or taking photographs in FG as Special Counsel to the Committee on Standards of Official Conduct, Joseph A. Califano Jr. speaks at the podium on details and parameters of the investigation; U.S. House Representatives Louis Stokes (D-OH) and Floyd Spence (R-SC) stand behind him. Adult Caucasian, predominantly males, seated, and either taking notes or listening to Califano (o/s) speak. POV from behind seated adult Caucasian males and females, one adult Caucasian male standing and filming as Califano talks about the time devoted to the investigation and re-iterates previous comments that found no widespread illegal activities among Congressional Pages and House members, staff, or police. He calls many of the allegations made a product of exaggeration, gossip, and fabrication, Califano separates fact from the allegations originally made.
U.S. House of Representatives Floor Vote - MX Missile
U.S. House Representative Daniel Rostenkowski (D-IL) stands atop the Speaker’s Platform; he turns to the topic of the Bennett Amendment and asks members of the House to voice their vote. In the opinion of the Chair (Rep. Rostenkowski), the “ayes have it” which prompts an adult Congressman (o/s) to ask for a recorded vote. Rep. Rostenkowski orders a vote by electronic device and the screen fades to blue with the voting tally appearing for the Bennett Amendment. Rep. Rostenkowski announces the amendment’s failure to pass, and recognizes “the gentleman from Illinois”; adult, predominantly Caucasian males, seated and standing around House Rostrum, and the well of the House. Rep. Rostenkowski announces a motion to no objection and “accordingly, the committee rises”; he bangs the gavel and leaves the Speaker’s Platform as Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, Tip O’Neil (D-MA), replaces him. Speaker O’Neill hears a formal report from Rep. Rostenkowski, now on the House floor.
CONGRESS: WE THE PEOPLE - "House Expansion"
Norman Ornstein (VO) says committee and subcommittee power expansion began in the 1970s, that critics believe these reforms decentralize power too much. Adult Caucasian Congressmen and women taking part in various House committee hearings. U.S. House Representative Tom Foley (D-WA) says reforms may have created too many subcommittees and chairmen, that changes are underway. Ornstein (VO) rebuts, says that proliferation of power has representatives doing more inside and outside of Congress, though workload is made less manageable by campaign efforts of lawmakers and their staff. Adult Caucasian Congressmen in committee meeting. U.S. House Rep. Marcy Kaptur (D-OH) speaking at lectern on House floor. Rep. Kaptur walking with adult Caucasian male workers wearing hard hats, waving to camera. Caucasian adult male and female staffers working in election office of U.S. Senator David Durenberger. U.S. Sen. Paul Sarbanes (D-MD) says the pace of re-election and campaigning overrides the duties of Congressmen to serve in office, which focuses too much on winning a campaign rather than making the most of the time a legislator has while in office. Ornstein (VO) adds that campaign costs money as well as time, and those costs are skyrocketing, forcing legislators to turn to special interest groups and political action committees to defray costs. Sen. Durenberger campaigning, waving to audience from podium. Hand of adult Caucasian male writing a check. Letters rolling from mass-mailing machine in Sen. Durenberger's campaign office. Fred Wertheimer, President of Common Cause, says campaign financing is perverting the processes of the government, but the current legislative process is not equipped to deal with this type of problem. Ornstein (VO) differentiates those who criticize legal campaign funding with the problem of illegal campaign contributions such as the Abscam and "Koreagate" scandals. Surveillance tape footage from Congressional "Abscam" bribery scandal showing three adult Caucasian men sitting and talking in a living room. Adult Korean male witness testifying in "Koreagate" bribery scandal. U.S. House Representative Wyche Fowler Jr. (D-GA) in House, says when one member of Congress is called into questionable conduct, the entire body is called into question, and the institution is the name that must be cleared. Ornstein (VO) notes that while a combination of factors has led to a negative perception of Congress, the individual representative fares much better. U.S. House Speaker Tip O'Neill (D-MA) on Speaker's platform, reading from notes. Political scientist Michael Robinson states that while the national media tends to focus on scandal and corruption, local press focuses on more pragmatic, parochial, pork-related concerns, so there is a schizophrenic view of Congress in the public: one where citizen may like their representative, but dislike Congress on the whole.
Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 30, 1974 (2/2)
Harold Donohue (D - Massachusetts). The time of the gentleman from Maine has expired. The Chair now recognizes the gentleman from California, Mr. Edwards, for 6 minutes and 15 seconds. Don Edwards (D - California). Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Conyers says this is a troubling section. As a new matter, if this were brought to us for the first time, the totally unauthorized war by the President, when there was no outside danger to the country would be the grossest misbehavior, clearly impeachable. Unfortunately, in this particular case, this is not historically accurate. The raids were a part of the undeclared war that began years before the Vietnam War. President Johnson was chiefly responsible for the huge escalation. I recall the first vote on the Vietnam War in the House on May 4, 1965, for $700 million of special appropriations, and only six of us voted against it. The Vietnam War had wide Congressional approval for entirely too many years. And then after that, quite a number of Democrats worked very hard for Senator Eugene McCarthy. Chiefly on behalf of Senator McCarthy because he said that he would end the war in Vietnam, while President Johnson made no such commitment. I might add as an aside that during those very difficult years, and they were very difficult years for the people who were working to get the United States disengaged from this war, we had very little help, no help whatsoever from a private citizen in New York, the lawyer, Mr. Richard Nixon.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, May 17, 1973 - Testimony of Robert Odle.
Mr. DASH. Now, you have mentioned and I think you've already identified a um memorandum from the committee, on committee stationary to the attorney general back in 1971. I think you've also indicated that Mr. Haldeman through Mr. Straun kept a fairly constant liaison with the committee. Mr. ODLE. Yes. Mr. DASH. Did you, are you aware of memoranda from the White House to the committee discussing the political campaign program and strategy from time to time? Mr. ODLE. That's fairly broad Mr. Dash, I ..... Mr. DASH. Well did, let me show you a particular memoranda from 1972 from the White House and see if ....(Clerk walks over and hands Robert Odle paper) Could you just read the um, not the material but what that memorandum is captioned, who it's from and to whom it is. Mr. ODLE. Yes, it's from Mr. Fred Malek to Mr. Magruder, and it's co-ordinating functions for the campaign organization. Mr. DASH. And on what stationary is that? Mr. ODLE. White house stationary. Mr. DASH. And what date is that? Mr. ODLE. February Nine. Mr. DASH. And you were at the committee at that time, were you not? Mr. ODLE. Oh yes. Mr. DASH. Are you familiar with that kind of memorandum that would come over from the White House? Mr. ODLE. Well, I have not read this memorandum, but I would not think it unusual for somebody at the White House to say to somebody at the committee what their thoughts were with respect to campaign structure or organization. People at the White House wanted to see the President re-elected, (stutters) I don't, I would not, I don't know that there were hundreds of such memorandums, but I wouldn't without reading it, it wouldn't strike me as... Mr. DASH. Would you briefly read that memorandum to yourself. Mr. ODLE. Yeah, it's a memorandum from, describing, well it's titled "Co-ordinating Functions for the Campaign Organization." I think that's an accurate description of what it discusses. Mr. DASH. And does it relate to the role of the Attorney General in the committee strategy? Mr. ODLE. Oh yes. Yes it does. Mr. DASH. And would you say that that memorandum is merely a suggestion or does it go farther than that? Mr. ODLE. I would say it's a strong suggestion, I think that Mr. Malek or Mr. Magruder at that time were, I don't think either one of them was in a position to instruct the other. Mr. DASH. I think so, that we now know what's in that memorandum, would you please read it into the record please. Mr. FRED THOMPSON. Mr. Chairman before he does, do you mind if I saw a copy of that, or read that myself? Senator BAKER. I think Mr. Chairman, if you don't mind that neither the record nor the committee presumably have seen this rather lengthy memorandum. I wonder if council would supply a copy to us, so we get the full burden and thrust of what you're talking about. And then if we want to break for lunch or some such we can take up this kind of question later. Mr. DASH. Fine. Senator BAKER. But, I'm sure I can't follow what the witness is talking about at this point and I'd like to see a copy of this or any other exhibit that's handed that has content before we proceed to it. Mr. DASH. Senator Baker, we'll make copies and provide that and follow that procedure.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities May 17,1973
Senator Sam Ervin. Can you tell me, I think it was stated but I did not quite get it all. How many men came from the White House staff to the Committee to Re-Elect the President? Robert Odle. Initially, sir? Senator Sam Ervin. Yes. Robert Odle. Initially, in May of 1971 there would have been Mr. Magruder, Mr. Flemming, Mr. Sloan, Mr. Porter, myself and two secretaries.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 12, 1973
[00.30.36] [Maurice STANS continues his statement about the operation of the Finance Committee to Re-Elect the President, and it's relationship to the campaign strategy planners of CRP] What I would like to emerge form all of this information are a few simple conclusions: (1) The finance committee played no part in the strategy or the tactics of the campaign. If they went wrong, it was the fault of the campaign committee. The finance. committee's only responsibility was to raise enough money to pay the, costs that were incurred by the campaign committee. (2) The finance committees in existence prior to April 7, 1972 operated under legal advice that their transactions need not be recorded or reported, as a matter of law. (3) Within the finance committee, the chairman's basic job was to raise the money and the treasurer's basic job was to account, for it and disburse it' (4) The responsibility of raising the largest amount of money ever spent, in a political campaign obviously put massive pressures on the, finance committee, especially those engaged in fundraising. In my own case, the stress Was multiplied manifold by the serious illness of my wife, beginning August 9 and continuing into early 1973. Gentlemen, I repeat, to you that I had no advance, knowledge of the Watergate affair and no knowledge of any efforts that may have been made to cover it, up, nor do I know about, any Other espionage Or sabotage activities on the part of the campaign committee I can also assure, the committee that I have made an honest, and careful effort to abide by the spirit and intent of the election laws. Senator BAKER. [presiding]. Thank you, Mr. Stans. In the chairman's absence and pursuant to a request. by Senator Weicker, if there is no objection, Senator Weicker has a brief statement he would like to make to follow directly after the statement of the witness. Is there any objection to that? [No response.] Senator BAKER. Senator Weicker. Senator WEICKER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman Mr. Chairman and follow members of my committee, in 1970, I gained the Republican Party's nomination to the, U.S. Senate from Connecticut by way of a primary, During the course of that, primary campaign, Republicans both within and without Connecticut properly chose sides as between myself and my opponent. It came to my attention that Mr. Maurice Stans, then Secretary of Commerce spoke in Connecticut against my nomination and On behalf of my Republican Opponent, John Lupton. His action, I know, was not an indication of any official position taken by the White House, But needless to say, it did not endear me to Mr. Stans. Though I have had no contact, with Mr. Stans, and, though actually, I feel a great compassion for him and his family, I do not want, it said by any person, or wondered about by Mr. Stans, as to whether my questioning of him would be an act of getting even. Therefore, Mr. Chairman, I will refrain from questioning Mr. Stans now Or at any time in the future. Senator BAKER. Thank you, Senator Weicker. Mr. Edmisten Mr. EDMISTEN. Mr. Stans, is it not true, that most of your adult life that you have been in. the accounting business one way or another? Mr. STANS. Yes, that is true of all of my adult, life except for 8 or 9 Years in Government, and 8 in one type of banking or another. Mr. EDMISTEN. In 19.57 you were head of the Bureau of the Budget? Mr. STANS. That, is correct. Mr. EDMISTEN. In 1952 you were the recipient; of the American Accounting Association's annual award, and the Institute of Certified Public Accountants' annual award in 1954, and you were elected to the, Accounting Hall of Fame in 1960? Mr. STANS. That is correct. Mr. EDMISTEN. SO You would consider yourself a, pretty good accountant,? Mr. STANS. I would hope that others considered me a pretty good accountant. [00.35.20]
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities May 17, 1973 - Testimony of Robert Odle
Senator WEICKER. Your participation in this matter, was to receive files..... Mr. ODLE. A file. Senator WEICKER. A file from Mr. Reisner... Mr. ODLE. I believe yes. Mmm hmm. Senator WEICKER. And then what did you do with that file? Mr. ODLE. I put it in my briefcase, I took some files from my own desk that I was concerned about their own safety. In fact.... Senator WEICKER. What kind of files are you ? Mr. ODLE. Budget Committee files. Senator WEICKER. I see. Mr. ODLE. Um, the various minutes of these sessions that I've described earlier. Um, I was concerned for their security, and I took them home with me over the weekend. Senator WEICKER. Now, what did you do when you took this file home? Mr. ODLE. Just left it at home. I.... Senator WEICKER. Put it anywhere? Mr. ODLE. I think I may have put it in the closet or something, I'm not exactly certain. Senator WEICKER. And uh... Mr. ODLE. The briefcase I think I put in the closet. Senator WEICKER. I beg your pardon? Mr. ODLE. I think I put the briefcase in the closet. (funny - sounds like he says 'briefclase') Senator WEICKER. The briefcase with the file, in the closet. Mr. ODLE. Yeah. Senator WEICKER. And uh, then what happened to the file? Mr. ODLE. Then on Monday, I returned it. Senator WEICKER. You returned the file? Mr. ODLE. Yeah. Senator WEICKER. To who? Mr. ODLE. To Mr. Magruder. Senator WEICKER. To Mr. Magruder himself? Mr. ODLE. Yes, best recollection yes. Senator WEICKER. Now, Mr. Odle a few more questions. You mentioned the fact that um you came into contact with Mr. Straun from time to time. Mr. ODLE. Yes sir. Senator WEICKER. Can you give me an elaboration of what from time to time means? Mr. ODLE. I talked to Mr. Straun probably two or three times a week. Maybe two times a week, It's hard to say sir. Senator WEICKER. Mr. Straun uh, participate rather actively in matters over at the Committee to Re-Elect the President? Mr. ODLE. Yes sir. Senator WEICKER. Can you tell me why or what his uh specific mission was? Mr. ODLE. Um, Mr. Haldeman obviously was worried about allot of other things besides the campaign. He was the chief of staff at the white house, he was a very busy man working on government, substantive policies and he was assisting the president. Mr. Straun was there to devote himself more to what was going on politically, so that if Mr. Haldeman wanted to be aware of what was going on politically, he could simply ask Mr. Straun. Mr. Straun was sort of the eyes and ears I suppose you might say. Senator WEICKER. Beg your pardon, Mr.... Mr. ODLE. I suppose you might say he was his eyes and ears at the committee. Senator WEICKER. He was the eyes, Mr. Straun was the eyes and ears of who? Mr. ODLE. Mr. Haldeman. Senator WEICKER. Mr. Haldeman. Mr. ODLE. He was the liaison to the committee. Senator WEICKER. So that any matters that went on in the committee to re-elect the president, uh would it be fair to say that they were reported back to Mr. Haldeman by Mr. Straun? Mr. ODLE. Well, that was Mr. Strauns rule was to try to find out all the things that were going on at the committee and to make Mr. Haldeman aware of them, yes. Senator WEICKER. Did he attend, did Mr. Straun attend the strategy sessions? Mr. ODLE. I think that he may have, yes. I did not attend those meetings, it's hard for me to say exactly who did. Senator WEICKER. Alright. Now, Mr. ODLE did you ever see in the hallways of the committee to re-elect the president, electronic equipment that which would be electronic equipment for either bugging or de-bugging? Mr. ODLE. Um, Mr. McCord leased a machine for awhile which was a defensive measurer as I understand it, that went around and checked for electronic eves dropping in our building. And I believe I have seen that, yes. Senator WEICKER. So you did see this equipment, which you were under the belief that it was de-bugging equipment. Is that correct? Mr. ODLE. I'm, I'm pretty positive of it, yeah. Senator WEICKER. That it was de-bugging equipment? Mr. ODLE. Yeah, no well it wasn't de-bugging, it was checking for, for, for counter measures, yes. Senator WEICKER. And this equipment was quite visible and out there in the halls. Mr. ODLE. I don't believe sir it was in the halls. It was a portable unit that I believe was in his office at one point that I saw. Senator WEICKER. Now the respect to the citizens division, isn't that true that Fred Malek became the head of that division between March and June? Mr. ODLE. He exercised a supervisory control and over the citizens division, it was by no means a full time occupation. Senator WEICKER. When you say full time occupation, do you use as the criteria his appearance on the payroll, is this what causes you to.... Mr. ODLE. No, I would use the criteria of hours spent. Senator WEICKER. And hours spent, he was in a part-time capacity? Mr. ODLE. Very much so. Senator WEICKER. Would you say that he spent part of his time at the committee to re-elect the president and part of his time in the white house? Mr. ODLE. There was a guest office at the committee that he used from time to time when he was at the committee. But I would say he spent up to July first when he resigned from the white house and he came to the committee, most of his time at the white house. Senator WEICKER. Most of his time at the white house, but also time ... Mr. ODLE. Yes sir. Senator WEICKER. at the uh ... Mr. ODLE. Yes sir. Senator WEICKER. at the committee.
DNC Committee Members
Democratic National Committee members at platform hearing. U.S. Senator and Presidential Candidate Gary Hart (D-CO) continues speaking about his vision for the Democratic Party. In addition to re-stating Democratic principles and identity to the people of America, they must also spell out concrete actions that will be taken in the interests of the people if they want to win in 1984. POV from behind Hart, looking at main panel consisting of U.S. House Representative Geraldine Ferraro (D-NY), D.C. Mayor Marion Barry, Samuel Shapiro, and Russell Price; Hart speaking about inviting women into the workplace with programs promoting daycare/childcare, job training, and passing the Economic Equity Act. Main panel listening to Hart advocating energy independence in order to stave off war in the Persian Gulf "over someone else's oil."
DNC Committee Members
Democratic National Committee members at platform hearing. U.S. House Representative Geraldine Ferraro (D-NY) looking over papers, speaking with adult African American male behind her as U.S. Senator Gary Hart (D-CO) speaks on U.S. foreign policy positions the Democratic Party should adopt. POV from behind Ferraro and D.C. Mayor Marion Barry, Samuel Shapiro, and Russell Pace, looking out to Hart seated in distance as he speaks on need for comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty, calls for moratorium on anti-satellite weapons while negotiations continue on weapons testing ban. VS main panel as Sen. Hart (o/s) touches on third world aid policy, an end to corporate bail outs, and the need to focus on an energy policy that doesn't come at the expense of conservation; adult Caucasian female writing notes in FG.
Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 24, 1974 Robert McClory Statement
I shall turn at once to the main subject of our inquiry, namely the numerous allegations of wrongdoing charged against the President of the United States. All of which allegations we have investigated over a period of many months for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not President Nixon should be charged with the commission of an impeachable offense. The most serious allegations and those upon which the President s accusers have placed principal reliance go under the general title Watergate and the cover up . Our majority council Mr. Doer, in interpreting the information before us have expounded the thesis that the President organized and managed the Watergate cover up from the time of the break in on June 17th 1972 up until the present time. While serious questions exist regarding the President s authorization or acquiescence in an obstruction of justice, a conclusion which might be reached from examining the transcripts of taped conversations and other evidence, the thesis advanced by Mr. Doer that the President was in charge of a cover-up from the time of the break in is, in my opinion, unjustified in light of the evidence presented to our Committee. Our Chief minority council, the able Mr. Sam Garrison made an important and extremely significant point in his final submission of the Watergate evidence. He said Mr. Doer s case of circumstances showing presidential involvement from the beginning is a very, very weak one. Because you cannot simply aggregate suspicions, you cannot aggregate inferences. You can only aggregate facts.
U.S. House Subcommittee : Shreddergate Part 1
Full view of U.S. House Subcommittee panel, including three tiered dais; adult Caucasian, predominantly males, seated on dais; adult Caucasian man asks for clarification that most of the sensitive documents are held in regional offices. EPA staff chief John Daniel corrects him by stating subpoenaed documents are found at regional offices. As to the question of sensitive documents, Daniel refers to EPA Director of Waste Programs Enforcement Eugene Lucero for that answer; adult Caucasian men and women seated in the committee room and at the witness table.
Rep. Ferraro at Committee Hearing
U.S. House Representative Geraldine Ferraro (D-NY) briefly goes off topic, complimenting witness Dana Andrews for his part in the movie “My Foolish Heart” which had a great impact on her at the age of thirteen. Camera zooms out to adult Caucasian male members of the House Permanent Select Committee on Aging, Dr. Albert Sabin, Andrew, Velma Whitely, Elsie Parsons, and Bert Freed; adult Caucasian male sitting against the dais taking photographs. Rep. Ferraro thanks Dr. Sabin for his work on the oral vaccine for polio. Dr. Sabin is grateful for the letters, totaling a hundred thousand, but asks that no more be sent. Rep. Ferraro turns to Dr. Sabin’s second recommendation for reforming Medicare and asks who would make the determination on which patients would receive high-cost technological diagnostic procedures.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities - Testimony of Robert Odle.
Mr. DASH. Alright, um I won't ask you any further questions on that memorandum Mr. Odle, it wasn't your memorandum, but it just put to you on the question of the memorandum did come to the white house and the format and would that memorandum be submitted and identified as an exhibit. (under his breath, says "I need someone to pick up the memorandum". Photographers seen taking pictures in courtroom.) Senator SAM ERVIN. Our Exhibitor can assign it a number. Mr. DASH. Yes, can you pick up the memorandum. And would the reporter assign the appropriate number to it. (clerk or reporter seen collecting memorandum paper from Mr. Odle) To the reporter, could you give it to the reporter please. Now, would you give this, I only have one further memorandum and question for you. Would you give that to the witness please. (Reporter hands Mr. Odle another memorandum.) Now Mr. Odle, you have before you a copy of a memorandum that has the word sample above it. Mr. ODLE. Yes. Mr. DASH. With the letterhead of Committee For the Re-Election of the President. Have you seen this sample memorandum prior to today? Mr. ODLE. Yes. This is a, we had at the committee a staff manual. And it told about everything from how to make coffee to how to write memos to how to use the telephones and watts lines and things like that. Mr. DASH. Now this being a sample and part of the staff manual, this was showing how, would be fair to say that this was part of the staff manual and a sample of directing a memorandum for Mr. Haldeman how one would direct that? Mr. ODLE. That's correct. This was just showing that is one at the committee were going to write a memorandum to Mr. Haldeman or someone else at the white house, that this would be the form that one would use. Mr. DASH. And does it show at the bottom that a copy would be also sent to Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. ODLE. Well it does, but only because, only as a sample. This whole memorandum is a sample. No, it wouldn't have been that all memorandums to Mr. Haldeman wouldn't .... Mr. DASH. But would it indicate that the memorandum from the committee for the re-election of the president to the white house at least went in sufficient number that you required a sample of a form to use so that you would have a routine method? Mr. ODLE. Yes, we did want to have a routine method, and because of all the new secretaries who were coming on board and all the various new people on the campaign staff, we did want to have some sort of standard memorandum format which everyone used. Mr. DASH. Alright. Now would you pick up the memorandum. That's all I have Mr. Odle. Mr. ODLE. ok.
Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 25, 1974 (1/2)
[00.02.00] [in to NPACT logo--weird rotating 3-D Capitol Dome effect, very dated--with title "impeachment debate"--cut to LEHRER in studio] LEHRER welcomes viewers introduces live coverage of President NIXON's speech on the economy [cuts to stage, two dozen men flank podium in two wings, a moderator takes podium to introduce the President, as sponsored by four major LA business organizations--NIXON takes podium--cut to side view shows audience of middle-aged white people clapping--cut to close head/shoulders of NIXON smiling broadly, ready to give the SAFE AUDIENCE one of the most BORING SPEECHES ever delivered--note, however, that NIXON is in no worse form as a public speaker than usual, employing strange head movements, monotonous tone, and strange spinal contortions of the body, as if there were no IMPEACHMENT CRISIS at all] NIXON thanks the moderator, the audience, and the business groups. Says he wants to discuss the major problem facing the US--Inflation, and the fight against it. Says that the inflation is the result of longterm failure of industrialized world to increase productivity to meet demand, government deficit spending, increase of money supply to facilitate borrowing, which all add to rising prices. [cut to a reverse angle shot of the audience] Add to this grain production shortages due to crop failure, and the oil embargo, NIXON says that fortunately food production is increasing, and the oil embargo has ended, leveling oil prices, slowing the rate of inflation. Says there will be some delay before this settles out. Says also that the effects of minimum wage increases have added to prices Mentions demands raised for "swift, spectacular action" , proposals for wage and price controls, draconian constrictions on money supply at risk of recession, or lower taxes to stimulate economy, or the defeatist pose of learning to live with inflation. NIXON says that none of these paths will be taken. Instead, he will proceed from the proposition that "short-term relief brings long-term grief", and concentrate more on POLICIES than on PROGRAMS. I.E., policies respecting basic market forces, First, "what we are not going to do". Not going to resort to controls [pavlovian applause from free-marketers in audience], saying that controls will only create new market distortions. Not going to resort to new deficit spending, tax cuts, or credit loosening. Such would be fighting fire with gasoline (NIXON'S analogy). Neither will they resort to tight-money shock treatment, which would raise unemployment too high. Are going to control inflation by increasing productivity. Look toward long term, willingness to stick to a plan despite pressures. The administration will continue to monitor the entire economy, and will not allow any hardship to take effect. Says that anti-inflationary policy is simply effort to check growth of demand in proportion to growth of supply. In short run, must be focused on reducing demand, because increasing supply can take time. Exceptions to this are returning farmland to cultivation and sale of raw materials. Longer term emphasis on producing more, [Nixon reiterates his topic sentence for the fifth or sixth time, displaying a remarkable flair for redundancy, not to mention redundancy] NIXON claims that the most important thing the Federal Government can do to check demand is to reduce spending. Pledges not to accept new spending, [ taking care to make "eye contact" with camera so you know he's telling the truth--draws applause from the budgethawks in the audience] Announces that 40,000 federal employees will be fired next year. [thanks, Dick!] Savings will be $300,000. [00.13.40]
Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 25, 1974 (1/2)
[00.13.40] [NIXON'S economic speech from Los Angeles continues--NIXON's demeanor is as wooden as ever, giving the impression that he is unaware of an IMPEACHMENT CRISIS] NIXON continues to give the friendly audience of businesspeople a pat speech about his plans for economic recovery, giving free play to orthodox freemarket economic ideas. Talks boldly about the budget that he will submit for the next fiscal year, implying his intention to remain in office. This proposal includes lots of spending cuts. Mentions the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act, recently enacted, which allows Congress to consider entire budget as whole, not as constituent parts, designed to effect spending cuts, calls on Congress to cooperate with spending cuts. Expresses confidence in his support in Congress , drawing applause. Moves on to monetary policy. says that interest rates may have to go up a bit in order to fight inflation to lower rates eventually (fat chance!) Calls for a general "fat cutting" from the Federal Government down to the individual citizen, expressing faith in the will of the American people to take active part in saving to reduce inflationary pressure. In discussion of energy policy, mentions "Operation Independence", an effort to reduce American dependence on foreign oil supplies. [this draws applause with great enthusiasm] Panders to the audience by lamenting the way that the "creative energies" of the American economy are "stifled" by "burdensome overregulation". Cites the obviously ridiculous example of regulations requiring some trucks to run even when empty. Pledges a sweeping review to weed out wasteful regulations for increasing productivity. Demonizes environmental protective policies as a drain on productivity--offhandedly concedes that such goals are important, but then raises the canard that such policies of environmental protection are having any significant effect at all on industry. Pledges "reevaluation" and "adjustment" [lots of applause]. [00.26.39]
Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 25, 1974 (1/2)
[00.26.39] [President NIXON continues his economic speech before a FRIENDLY AUDIENCE of LA businesspeople. His demeanor and delivery are just as wooden as usual, indicating no stress from the IMPEACHMENT CRISIS] Makes thinly veiled allusions to "other nations" who are in economic slump because individuals are dependent on the government. Suggests that it has been true in the United States, and calls for a more rugged individualist perspective on social welfare. [the strongest applause yet in the speech] Implies that nonspecific "special interests" are manipulating the government to ignore the interests of "the people" who "favor sound anti-inflationary policies". [00.32.13] NIXON takes the opportunity to pat himself on the back--while he doesn't claim direct responsibility, he does slyly mention that young americans are finding work instead of facing the draft, then repeats himself in slightly different words for good measure. [00.37.51] after a conclusion about "the children" and "America's future", Nixon concludes, leaves the podium to applause.
Impeachment Hearings House Judiciary Committee, July 25, 1974 George Danielson
Titles Paul Duke deos introducion
Impeachment Hearings: House Judiciary Committee, July 24, 1974 Jack Brooks Statement
There is no political gain for anyone or any political party in this proceeding. If ever there was a time to put aside partisanship, now is that time. There would be no Democratic gains from removing a Republican President and having him replaced by another Republican, who represent and might well receive a great outpouring of support from our people. We must now report to the House of Representatives and the American people our conclusions as to whether there is sufficient evidence that Richard Nixon, while serving as President, has violated his oath of office and has thereby jeopardized our constitutional system of government. This is not a pleasant duty, but it is our constitutional duty. Its performance may mean ignoring personal and political relationships of long standing. We, as well as the President, are on trial for how faithfully we fulfill our constitutional responsibilities. I want to thank the Chairman for recognizing me in the interest of expediting this resolution of this very difficult problem. You have the remainder of my time.