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THE CHALLENGERS '96 - "Senator Phil Gramm History"
Ken Bode (VO) notes U.S. Senator Phil Gramm was the only Democratic sponsor of President Reagan's tax and spending cuts, infuriating House Democrats and prompting them to kick Gramm from Democratic Caucus and off Budget Committee; in defiance, Sen. Gramm quit, resigned his House seat, switched parties, ran on Republican ticket, and won back his old job with his new party. U.S. House Representative Phil Gramm (D-TX) standing with U.S. President Ronald Reagan at the top of stairs to Air Force One. Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington D.C., Capitol Building in BG. House Committee Hearing in progress. Rep. Gramm speaking at press conference. Still of campaign bus with "He Stood Up For Us, Now It's Our Turn: Vote Gramm Feb. 12" sign. Adult Caucasian female staffer writing down Gramm vote totals. Rep. Gramm making phone call following victory: "Just do me one favor. Tell Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright that I'm on my way back," crowd cheering in BG.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 29, 1973 (1/2
[00.46.10-Sen. GURNEY tries to discredit DEAN'S assertions that NIXON knew of the Watergate COVERUP before March 21, 1973] Senator GURNEY. Well, it still is totally--- Mr. DEAN. I might add I never did give a briefing to the Cabinet and that was dropped immediately in the conversation, I added that because it stuck in my mind that as one of the points that I really did not feel that I had made the full implications of this thing clear but that is the sort of thing that as you noted in the testimony, it was noted very clearly in my mind when the, suggestion came Up. [00.46.37-GURNEY is taking the improbability of NIXON'S response as an indication of innocence. It's important to note that he is ignorant of the TAPING SYSTEM in the WHITE HOUSE-it all makes more sense if you understand that NIXON is speaking "for the record"] Senator GURNEY. Well. that occurs to me too, that maybe the President did not understand for some reason. I cannot imagine a President Of the United States, knowing that his two chief aides, 'Mr. Haldeman, Mr. Ehrlichman, yourself, and Mr. Colson. LaRue, Mardian, Magruder. Mitchell, all these people being involved in this criminal activity or possibly involved in this criminal activity. I do not want to accuse them of crimes over this national television here, but these supposedly were all involved in this and then there was coverup money with his personal attorney Mr. Kalmbach and all of these things went on, and if he knew that, as' I understand, your thesis is how In the world would he have suggested anybody who had total, knowledge of this like you. suggested them to go to *the Cabinet and tell them about it? [00.47.36] Mr. DEAN. May I respond in several parts you have stated that I have a thesis. I have no thesis, I have -no wish other than to report by this committee the facts as I know them. Second, this was a part of a dialog that followed. I do not, think the President had any intention of sending me in to report in full as I had just reported to him, I made it, the comment. in my testimony because it stuck In my mind as evidence of the fact that The President did not really still realize the implications of what I was talking about and it recalled to me the and earl' earlier occasions when I tried to raise with him my own involvement in this matter and explain the obstruction of justice involvement and he did not seem to want to hear it or get into it or anything of that nature. So that is why it is in the testimony because it is the sort of thing. Senator, as you, when you re-read the testimony, it pops right off that page and it stuck right in my mind the same way. [00.48.36] Senator GURNEY. Well, it did, and I must say it rather startled me, I really did not understand why I did not hear it the first time, and that same thing occurred to me that maybe, even on March 21 he was not totally aware of all of these things that you testified to here these last 5 days, otherwise. I cannot understand why he would have suggested that you go to the Cabinet with it. Well, let us get on here. Late in March or early April you did decide that you had had enough of this business and that you wanted out of it. Mr. DEAN. Senator. you said early April, Senator GURNEY. Late in March or early April. Mr. DEAN. Excuse me, I did not hear that. Senator GURNEY. You decided that you had had enough of this coverup, and you wanted to get, out of it, and go on your own course., and as I would put it, maybe come clean, is that a fair way of saying it? [00.49.33-DEAN tries to explain his motivations and desire to end the coverup in a way that would protect NIXON, NIXON of course was not receptive to these ideas] Mr. DEAN. Senator, what, I wanted to do I was trying to work internally within the White House. I was very anxious to get the President out in front on this issue. I had conversations from Camp David with Mr. Moore, exploring further ideas. We had explored this on countless occasions, on how to end it, how to get the, President out in front of it, have the President taking the action to end it, decisive action to end it. By the time I went to Camp David I realized that I had not accomplished what I was trying to do internally and began to think about that I might have to be the one, to stand up and take my own steps. Senator GURNEY. And taking your own steps, of course, would be revealing and telling the whole story, is that not what you mean? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. [00.50.33-GURNEY tries to use the fact that DEAN took the fifth before the GRAND JURY to discredit his testimony-suggestion that DEAN used charges against NIXON to get immunity from the SENATE COMMITTEE] Senator GURNEY. Well, now, you went before, the grand jury last, week, did you not? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator GURNEY. Did you tell them the, whole, story? Mr. DEAN. I decided to exercise my constitutional rights at that point in time. Senator GURNEY. What do you mean by that? Mr. DEAN. I invoked the fifth amendment. Senator GURNEY. You did not tell them anything, did you? Mr. DEAN. No, sir; I did not. [00.50.52]
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 28, 1973 (1/2)
[00.27.39-Sen. INOUYE continues to read to DEAN the WHITE HOUSE questions that were forwarded to the Committee-this line of questioning insinuates that DEAN is making false charges against others to trick the prosecutors into giving him IMMUNITY] Senator INOUYE. Did you and your counsel develop a strategy for obtaining immunity from' prosecution? And what were the elements of that strategy? Mr. DEAN. Well, I recall the chairman starting to raise that question yesterday. First, of all, I do not know what is meant by a strategy for immunity. What happened is my counsel went down and began discussing first of all, how the prosecutors could hear my testimony to make their own determination as prosecutors as to what they wanted to do with me--whether I was to be a witness, whether I was to be a defendant, and the like. I went to counsel because I had made my determination that I was going to go to the prosecutors and tell them what I knew about the case. But there is an old saying that all lawyers know that the lawyer who represents himself is a fool. I did not feel that I could be objective about my situation. I sought out a man whose judgment I would respect, in regard to the, criminal law and he said, John, if I am going to represent, you, you have to take my counsel; otherwise, you do not need a lawyer if you just want to walk down there. I said, well, I think I will take counsel. I am a, lawyer myself and I think to follow counsel is a good idea. Senator INOUYE. I wish to follow this question with my own question if I may. [00.29.15-DEAN'S lawyer gives a response to the insinuation of the WHITE HOUSE question] Mr. SHAFFER. Excuse me, Senator. I didn't want to register a timely objection to your last question, since it bears so heavily on the issue of credibility. However, for future proceedings, I would like to note for the record that when we came before you gentlemen, you took away our fifth amendment right by virtue of the use of immunity which was conferred by Judge Sirica at your request. You have not taken away our sixth amendment right, and we have not surrendered it. for future proceedings. Senator INOUYE. This is understood, sir. Mr. SHAFFER. Thank you. Senator INOUYE. I'll return to the White House questions. [00.29.52] Didn't your strategy include deliberate leaks of information to the media of what you had told investigators and what you might be Prepared to testify about in the future? Mr. DEAN. Senator, in any testimonial areas, I dealt directly with the appropriate investigative forum. I conceived of no strategy to leak my testimony or anything of that nature. In fact, any Comments I have, had with the press, I believe, were a matter of public record and I think that most of the press know that, I have refused on countless occasions to give what I Consider testimonial areas. Senator INOUYE. How were these contacts with the media handled? Mr. DEAN Well. I did have a number of inquiries that came, not directly to me, because I made myself as inaccessible to the press as possible. As I believe the Senator is aware. there were a number of My attacks about my character. They have been ongoing and Continuous. MY counsel would call and ask me questions about these and I would give them what my assessment of the given attack -was. Senator INOUYE. Who represented you and -what individual members of the, press, were contacted? Mr. DEAN. I Can't answer that, Senator. because I don't know, As I say, I am aware of the contacts I- had with the press, but there were stacks of calls that came in, apparently, to in my attorney's offices and I don't know--I don't believe there was an understanding of my returning those calls. Senator INOUYE. . Mr. Dean, were any of the stories or quotes attributed to You or sources close to you inaccurate? Mr. DEAN. Yes, they were. Senator INOUYE. If so, what, if any steps did you take to Correct these stories? Mr. DEAN. Well, as I said, I am in a delicate Position. If I Come out into testimonial areas, I can be accused of trying to generate publicity. I already as a result, of Div appearance up were serious legal problems as a result of the Publicity generated by this. I have not read the Press with regularity at, all since, these hearings have commenced. I did see a Newsweek piece, for example, when they said that they attributed to me some story about a Panamanian assassination. Now, I have no more idea what they are talking about, just none at all, [00.32.38-the WHITE HOUSE drafted questions turn to the issue of the campaign funds kept by DEAN.] Senator INOUYE. The next question. Mr. Dean, is rather lengthy. Mr. Dean, one point of distinction you drew in your testimony puzzles me. You have testified that you had received and placed in your safe the Sum of $15,200, which you never turned over to anyone because you didn't want funds you had physically handled to be used for payments to the Watergate defendants. You also testified that you called Mr. Stans and asked him for $22,000 to make the $350,000 fund whole, and that you had your deputy, Mr. Fielding , go to Mr. Stans' office, pick up the money, and later deliver it directly to Mr. Strachan, knowing that $22,000 would probably be used for payments to the Watergate defendants. Now, do you mean to imply that you think there is some moral basis for the distinction, or were you just, being cautious to protect yourself technically from committing the criminal offense of obstructing justice at the expense of implicating your deputy? [00.33.49]
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 27, 1973
[00.18.51-GURNEY continues to play Devil's Advocate with Dean regarding whether NIXON ordered DEAN to investigate Watergate] Senator GURNEY. My question was, don't you think that somebody else, might have thought, that you were investigating from the activity that I have just described to you? Mr. DEAN. I do not know who would conceive of that. Senator GURNEY. Well, I can tell you that all of the members of the Judiciary Committee, during the Gray hearings, were, under the impression that you were conducting a rather large investigation of the White House. Mr. DEAN-. Well, let me just use the, same analogy, I am sure a lot of people, thought, when the President recited what the substance, of the death penalty was that I had probably just, talked to him and given him the substance, Senator GURNEY. Do you not think that the President might have, concluded that you were conducting an investigation, particularly if Mr. Haldeman or Mr. Ehrlichman, one or the other were reporting to him what -was going on, you have testified to many times in this---- [00.19.45--DEAN counters the questioning by reasserting that HALDEMAN and EHRLICHMAN were reporting to NIXON, who therefore must have known that DEAN was not investigating but working to cover up] Mr. DEAN. I have also testified I have no idea how this ended up in the briefing book. I had no conversations with the President during this period of time. I have no idea what the President thought 'Was happening. I have testified to the fact that Mr. Haldeman frequently made notes when I was reporting to him. I had meetings in some of the most unusual places that I cannot, recall the substance of the meetings but I would be called to California, I would meet up at the Newporter wit Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman, off on the patio. They would want to know what was happening. I recall one time when Air Force One landed, they called me to come out to Andrews and I met, in the--the President had already departed. I met in the cabin of Air Force, One, the President's cabin. They asked me for a report at that time. As soon as the press plane came in, they said, we have got to get out of here, we cannot all be seen together. [00.20.33] Senator GURNEY. Let me ask you this in connection with this so-called investigation by Mr. Dean of Watergate., You indicated great surprise and as I gather, consternation about the fact that you were said by the President to have conducted an investigation. Is that not right? Mr. DEAN. I said great surprise. I do not believe I would reveal to others at that time the fact that I was distressed about it. Senator GURNEY. Did you ever protest to Mr. Haldeman that you did not appreciate the way the, President was bandying your name around in this investigation? Mr. DEAN. No, sir, I did not. Senator GURNEY. Did you ever protest to Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. DEAN. NO, sir; I did not. Senator GURNEY. Did you ever protest to the President? Mr. DEAN. No, sir; but others, I did. Senator GURNEY. Whom did you protest to? Mr. DEAN. I talked to Mr. Mitchell about it. I talked to Mr. Moore about it, I talked to my associate, Mr. Fielding. I said, this bothers me., that I am being put out on front on this. I think if I would have protested to Haldeman and Ehrlichman, it would have been to no avail. [00.21.39-GURNEY tries to blame the CIA involvement on DEAN. DEAN responds] Senator GURNEY. Let's turn to the CIA involvement with Watergate. I understand that you suggested the possibility to Haldeman? Is that correct? Mr. DEAN. No, sir; I think that what at happened, from what I understand, is that the first time I talked to them about. the CIA, they had already met with the CIA. They told me, or Mr. Ehrlichman told me, really none of the specifics of his meetings with the CIA the preceding day other than the fact that he and Mr. Haldeman had met. with the CIA, met with Director Helms and General Walters. I told him that it had come up in a meeting with Mr. Mitchell that we should explore the possibility of the CIA providing some assistance. [00.22.37-GURNEY is not satisfied with the answer, gets some headway in pinning DEAN to a semantic concession that he mentioned that the CIA could help] Senator GURNEY. Well, I guess I worded my question poorly. Mitchell brought it up to you and then you brought it up to Haldeman and Ehrlichman is that right? Mr. DEAN,. That is correct, yes. Senator GURNEY. You knew perfectly well that the CIA had absolutely nothing to do with Watergate, didn't you? Mr. DEAN. Well, sir, I knew this. The only thing I did know and this is one of the questions that I asked General Walters, were any of these, men operatives that could in any way embarrass the CIA? This had come up--I don't understand that -whole world and how it exists even today. But apparently, there is some arrangement where the operative is taken care of if some day he does get in trouble. This was discussed in this conversation, that some of these people might well be operatives that be -would be taken care of and the CIA might have a legitimate interest in protecting them. Senator GURNEY. You mean you thought at this time that those seven people who were caught in the Watergate were not in the employ of the Committee To Re-Elect the President? Mr. DEAN. Oh, it was quite clear. Senator GURNEY. Or that they might have been working for the FBI? Mr. DEAN. No, sir; I am talking about in years past. Senator GURNEY. All I said -was that you knew that the CIA had nothing to do with Watergate. That at was my question. Mr. DEAN. Yes, sir, I was well aware of that. [00.23.53]
CONGRESS: WE THE PEOPLE
14.07.01-Sen. MOYNIHAN says that these kinds of programs will need to be addressed eventually. V.O.-discussion of the final form of the bill. Ornstein: Markup culminates the legislative process and requires extensive compromise. Newman-after markup, there are floor votes, further amendment, and Conference committee votes to agree on the precise language of bills. 14.08.44-Shot of Dan Rostenkowski and Bob Dole in a Conference Committee hearing on Tax Policy. V.O.-contrary to usual practice, the Senate originated a Tax increase bill in 1982. Democrats in the House were more than happy to let Republicans take the lead. Shots of Conference committee members. Shot of Rostenkowski joking that he's glad to nominate Bob Dole to chair these meetings. In a voice vote, everyone votes "aye" except Dole, who joking votes "no". Shot of Dole inviting the House to take part in crafting a bill. A Library of Congress scholar discuss Conference Committees, how members get these assignments. Shots of members and staffers in a conference committee hearing. Rep. SAM GIBBONS (D-FL) asks for the Committee to vote on all non-controversial measures first to save time. Dole says he agrees, it will be a chance to get some lobbyists to leave. Shots of TV cameras and journalists in the hearing. 14.13.01
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Professor Mark Weiss setting up a chalkboard and waiting for adult Caucasian female assistant to provide him with chalk. Weiss uses the chalkboard to illustrate the interval in time between the initial gunshot and an echo from different surfaces in Dealey Plaza. Weiss begins discussing moving around the microphone and rifle.
U.S. Rep. Jim Wright Speaks at DNC Orientation
United States Representative Jim Wright (D-TX) speaks to new Democratic National Committee (DNC) members coming into the House of Representatives. Attendees are predominately adult Caucasian men, some women and African Americans. Incoming US Representative Tim Valentine (D-NC), drinking from Styrofoam cup. Incoming US Representative Frank McCloskey (D-IN) listening to US Congressman Wright speak, Caucasian woman smoking cigarette next to him; TV news crews in BG. Wright discusses the 2 year Congressional term and jokes about moving from the House to the Senate. Incoming US Representative Bruce Morrison (D-CT) standing and listening to Wright speak.
LAWMAKERS - October 8, 1981
House Foreign Affairs Committee meeting on the sale of AWACs (Advanced Warning and Control AirCraft) to Saudi Arabia. Pages and aides running around. Chairman Clement Zablocki (D - Wisconsin) opens meeting. We meet this morning to continue consideration of House Concurrent Resolution 194, the resolution of this approval with respect to President Reagan s proposed sale of AWACs and F15 enhancement items to Saudi Arabia.
August 5, 1994 - Part 4
(13:59:35)(tape #10102 begins) Opens to discussion between hearings host DON BODE, STEVE ROBERTS and Majority Counsel J. WILLIAM CODINHA in tv studio (14:01:37) Senate Hearing coverage begins: How does this confidential information help the White House deal with press leaks? Were they going to deliver it to reporters? How did this information help shield the President from embarrassment? Did it keep the President away from Governor Tucker? Second, it will not do to say that the recusal decision was a tempest in a teapot. The top officials of the White House and the Treasury spent too much time agonizing over how to keep Roger Altman involved. But for the unexpected congressional extension of the statute of limitations, Mr. Altman would have been the final decisionmaker in Madison. At bottom, the question is why were they so afraid to leave the White House "defenseless" without Altman? Third, we must also decide if, as Mr. Ickes testified, nonpublic information was revealed by Altman to the White House on February 2. Why would he say so if it were not true? Can we accept his efforts to dilute his testimony? Robert Fiske's report said there was insufficient evidence to prove criminal wrongdoing. That conclusion, of course, reflects the extraordinary burden of proof (14:02:55)(tape #10101 ends) which applies in a criminal case. But since the Fiske Report, we've beard testimony from Roger Altman that is clearly in contradiction to testimony he gave to this Committee months ago. And there have been evasions and contradictory statements made by other witnesses in an attempt to justify Altman's failure, and the failure of others, to live up to ethical standards. I believe it's incumbent upon Robert Fiske to review the facts, as revealed by this investigative panel, and determine, once again, if criminal charges should be brought. In particular, given the fact that some of the testimony here seems to have changed after wit- nesses have had an opportunity to consider the testimony of their colleagues, we specifically suggest that Mr. Fiske take the testi- mony in our depositions and in this hearing and lay it side by side with the Grand Jury testimony. Let him see whether further action should be taken. Let me say something else. We have not et bad an opportunity to explore the White House document handling phase of the Whitewater matter. Even so, new revelations have emerged in the last week that suggest that the White House has not been forthright about the handling of the Foster documents. The White House originally suggested that the documents were removed and sent to a private lawyer. Now, incredibly, we bear that they may have been stored in a closet in the White House residence for some period of time. The same pattern of changing stories and misleading statements that occurred regarding the White House-Treasury contacts may be occurring again with respect to the White House document handling. We will have many of the same witnesses back. Their stories about the document handling will be subjected to the same exacting scrutiny that occurred here. I think these hearings prove that the attempt to narrow the focus of this investigation was a mistake. All of the facts needed to be aired for the American public. They need to be aired and, eventually, they will be. 795 I congratulate, again, Chairman Riegle and my colleagues on the Democratic side of the aisle for making this, truly, a bipartisan investigative Committee. Now we continue to go forward, not as Republicans and Democrats, but as United States Senators, with an oversight responsibility in order to get to the bottom of this matter.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 13, 1973 (1/2)
[00.35.38] Senator GURNEY. Did you ever discuss it with John Mitchell at any time near this point in time? That is June 17. Mr. STANS. Well, I would be sure that I discussed this with John Mitchell on a number of occasions and my -records show that the first, time I talked to John Mitchell after the, 17th was, on the 23d when we had lunch in his office. I am not sure what the conversation was about. Whenever I met with Mitchell I usually had a list of five or six things to talk about, I would not, presume that we didn't talk about the Watergate I am sure it was a subject of interest but certainly not about who and when and why. Senator GURNEY. Did LaRue come to you in January 1973, this year, and ask you for the names of some of the larger contributors to the campaign? Mr. STANS. Yes;' I reported that to the staff of the committee. he asked me for the names of some contributors to whom Tie might go for money for a White House project. Senator GURNEY, What was the project" Mr. STANS. He didn't tell me. Senator GURNEY. Did you ask him? Mr. STANS. No; I did not Mr. LaRue again was a man of high standing in the campaign. He had been assistant to John Mitchell. There were no revelations at, that time involving him In anything and I had total confidence in anything Mr. LaRue told me. Senator GURNEY. Have you ever conferred -with John Mitchell, Magruder, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Dean or anybody else on the cover-up of Watergate? Mr. STANS. I have no recollection of any discussion with an anyone about the coverup of the Watergate until after the disclosures that have occurred within the last 2 months. Senator GURNEY, Have you ever discussed this Watergate affair or any aspect of it with the President of the United States? Mr. STANS. Only in the sense that the President and I met once during the campaign and I had one telephone call from him, both in August. Senator GURNEY. Both when? Mr. STANS. In August of last year, in which he said that he was aware of the fact that I was receiving considerable punishment in the press for not answering their questions at the time. He said that he appreciated the sacrifice I was making in that respect but the matter would be over eventually, and he hoped that I could continue to take it. It was a pep talk, in other words, and that was the substance of the discussion over the telephone. Now, in the subsequent meeting about 10 days later in his office in the Executive Office Building I talked about some of the problems on fundraising with him, the pending nationwide dinner which was going to take place in September at which he was going to participate, and matters of that type but there was -no discussion of the Watergate, of coverup or any subject of that type with the President. Senator GURNEY. Do you know from any information from anybody else whether the President of the United States had any knowledge of Watergate or the coverup? Mr. STANS. 1 have absolutely no such information. Senator GURNEY. Thank you, Mr. Stans. That is all, Mr. Chairman. Senator ERVIN. Senator Inouye. Senator INOUYE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Secretary, a few moments ago you testified that you had met with Mr. Mitchell on June 23 and yesterday you suggested that it was possible you met with Mr. Mitchell on June 24. The break-in was on the 17th of June. On the 18th I believe all of the major papers in the United States had banner headlines about the Watergate break-in and you learned about that for the first time. Then, on the 23d of June you testified you received a call from Mr. LaRue., I believe. Then, there were other banner headlines about moneys being traced through a bank and hundred dollar bills all over the place and the security chief of the Committee To Re-Elect the President being arrested as one of those found in the Watergate complex. Last week one of your associates, Mr. Sloan, testified that he was quite apprehensive about an $81,000 cash disbursement to Mr. Liddy and he testified that he conferred with you on this matter and wanted some indication from you that Mr. Magruder was authorized to make these cash payments. So you indicated that you would look into this, and on June 24 you had a meeting with Mr. Mitchell, the Attorney General. [00.41.16]
Capitol Journal - Gramm/Rudman
(01:00:00) WETA logo, PBS funding credits (01:00:13) Opens to Representative NEWT GINGRICH promoting the Gramm/Rudman budget balancing act, an unidentified Democratic Representative criticizes the Gramm/Rudman act, Capital Journal host HODDING CARTER - standing outside the Capital Building - introduces show, Capital Journal title screen and animation (01:00:59) Outside the Capital Carter explains the issue of the increasing deficit, on-screen text displays the growth of the National debt and deficit, President RONALD REAGAN in his 1985 inaugural address calls for end to the federal deficit - shot switches midway from him to NANCY REAGAN sitting with GEORGE and BARBARA BUSH, Senator PETE DOMENICI speaks before the Senate Budget Committee about a balanced budget, Speaker of the House TIP O'NEILL at a press conference says that White House has no plan for cutting the federal deficit, Senator PHIL GRAMM at a press conference presents his balanced budget bill, Senator WARREN RUDMAN at same press conference also promotes bill, Senator Gramm appears on the Donahue talk show (01:05:12) Carter back outside the Capital, shots of Joint House-Senate budget conference, Representative DAVID OBEY at press conference promotes House balanced budget bill, various Representatives take the House floor and condemn the Gramm/Rudman budget bill, Dr. RICHARD RAHN of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce speaks about Gramm/Rudman, CHARLES SCHULTZE - economist - says raising taxes is the only way to effectively combat deficit (01:07:30) Carter back outside the Capital segues to discussion he had earlier with Senator Gramm, Senator DON RIEGLE and HOBERT ROWEN of the Washington Post - they discuss the Gramm-Rudman budget bill - why it is being approved, why the President likes it, what it will mean for the economy, why there is opposition to it, the House's counter bill, and the Democrats and deficits cuts (01:16:58) Carter segues to a discussion of the House's counter bill, Carter interviews Representative JIM WRIGHT about his and the House's balanced budget ideas (01:20:04) Carter in the Capital Journal tv studio introduces discussion panel - ELIZABETH DREW of the New Yorker, FRED BARNES of the New Republic, Hobert Rowen of the Washington Post - they discuss whether or not Gramm/Rudman is smart legislation or a hastily formulated election year ploy for voter support (01:26:42) Carter thanks guests and closes out show (01:27:30) PBS funding credits
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 25, 1973
[00.46.22-DEAN'S further meetings with NIXON directly] MEETING OF FEBRUARY 28 I had received -word before I arrived at, my office that the President -wanted to see me. He asked me, if I had talked to the Attorney General regarding Senator Baker. I told him that the Attorney General was seeking to meet with both Senator Ervin and Senator Baker, but that a meeting date had not yet been firmed up. I told him that I knew it was Attorney General's wish to turn over the FBI investigation and the President said that he did not think -we should, but asked me. what I thought of the idea. I told him that I did not think that there was much damaging information in the FBI investigation, although there. could be some bad public, relations from it. He told me to think about this matter. He also said that, he had read in the morning paper about the Vesco case and asked me what part, if any, his brother Ed had had in the matter. I told him what I knew of his brother's involvement, which was that he was an innocent agent, in the contribution transaction, [00.47.18] We then discussed the leak to Time magazine of the fact that the White House, had placed wiretaps on newsmen and White House staff people. The President asked me if I knew how this had leaked. I told him I that I did not; that I knew several people were aware of it, but I did not know any who had leaked it. He asked me -who knew about it. I told him that "Mr. Sullivan had told me that he thought that Director Hoover had told somebody about, it, shortly after it happened because Hoover 'was, against it and that Sullivan said that He had heard that this information had gone to Governor Rockefeller and in turn had come back from Governor Rockefeller to Dr. Kissinger. We then talked about the executive privilege statement and the President pressed his desire to get, the statement out well in advance of the Watergate hearings so that it did not appear to be in response to the Watergate hearings We also discussed Mr. Mollenhoff's interest in the Fitzgerald case, and he asked me to look into the matter for Mr. Mollenhoff. Before departing his office, he again raised the matter that I could report directly to him and not through Haldeman and I told him that I thought he should know that I was involved in the post-June 17 activities regarding Watergate. I briefly described to him why I thought I had legal problems, in that I had been a conduit for many of the, decisions that were made and, therefore, could be involved In an obstruction of justice. He would not, accept my analysis and did not, want me, to get into it in any detail other than what I had just related. he reassured me not, to worry. that I had no problems I raised this on another occasion with the President, when Dick Moore was present. [00.49.03] MEETING. OF MARCH 1 The, first, meeting on this date and the afternoon meeting Which occurred on March 1, related to preparing the President for his forthcoming press conference The President, asked me a number of questions about the, Gray nomination hearings and facts that had come out during these hearings. In particular. I can recall him stating that there, should be no problem with the fact that I had received the FBI reports. He said that I was conducting an investigation for him and that it would be. perfectly proper for the counsel to the. President to have looked at these reports. [00.49.37] I did not tell the President that I had not conducted an Investigation for Him because I assumed he was, well aware of this fact and that the, so-called Dean investigation was a public relations matter, that frequently the President made reference in press conferences to things that never had, in fact occurred. I was also aware that often in answering Watergate questions, that he had made reference to my report and I did not feel that I could tell the President that he could not use my name, There had been considerable adverse publicity stemming, from the Gray hearings and the fact that Gray was turning over FBI information to the Senate Judiciary Committee. Which caused the. President to tell me at this morning meeting that Gray must be "pulled up short." He told me that he, had talked with the Attorney General to tell him to read the chapter in his book "Six Crises." dealing with the Hiss case regarding the lack of Cooperation which Truman and the FBI had given to his investigation. He also told me, the FBI Watergate materials should not, be turned over by Gray. I informed him that I had had a meeting several days prior with 'Mr. Sullivan who had been at the FBI for many years and Sullivan had alluded to the fact that the FBI had been Used for political purposes by past administrations I cited a few examples that Mr. Sullivan had given me. The President told me to get this information from Sullivan. The President told me That he was reading a book it that time called "The 13 Mistakes of Kennedy," 'he told me that I should read the chapter regarding Kennedy use of the FBI. he also told me that I should gather any material I could gather regarding the uses and abuse of the FBI by past administrations so that we could show that we had not abused the FBI for political Purposes. [00.51.27]
LAWMAKERS (10/06/1983)
Capitol Building. A letter from U.S. President Ronald Reagan to U.S. House Representative Tony Coelho (D-CA), Democratic Campaign Committee Chairman, urging support for the International Monetary Fund Bill. House Minority Leader, Robert Michel (R-IL) speaking in the House of Representatives on August 3rd, 1983, supporting the bill. Adult Caucasian Congressmen speaking, including Rep. Phil Gramm (D-TX); Linda Wertheimer, in voiceover, notes the narrow passage of the bill with an amendment, proposed by Gramm, that the President opposed. Gramm speaking about his amendment to forbid loans to communist countries. National Republican Congressional Committee Press Release condemning the vote. Rep. Howard Wolpe (D-MI) couldn't believe the NRCC letter given that he was voting as the President wanted. Rep. Coelho takes issue with the NRCC letter, says calling someone a "communist sympathizer" is assault on their character.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 27, 1973
[00.06.59-GURNEY continues to question DEAN about his March 21, 1973 meeting with NIXON. GURNEY wants to suggest that DEAN gave NIXON the only, incomplete, information that NIXON had about the coverup of Watergate] Senator GURNEY. What about the discussion? Mr. DEAN. I told him particularly--what had really happened--let me put this in sequence. One, of the things that, to me was one of the real outrages, that bothered me tremendously, was when Mr. Hunt made his final demand on the White House. He sent, he, apparently had a meeting -with Mr. Colson's lawyer, Mr. Shapiro, and he had also had a meeting, a direct meeting with Mr. Paul O'Brien. Mr. O'Brien--I believe that meeting occurred on the 19th. On the 20th or on the--let us see, what was the weekend before? He had had the meeting on the Friday and O'Brien came to me---- Senator ERVIN. I am going to have to ask the group holding the conference over here to step outside for the conference. It is disturbing the orderly procedure of the hearing. [00.08.01-DEAN says that he wanted to tell NIXON the basic facts of the coverup because HUNT was threatening to implicate the White House and EHRLICHMAN in improper activities, DEAN felt the coverup was in jeopardy] Mr. DEAN. As I was saying, Mr. Hunt met with Mr. 'O'Brien on a Friday and reported to me on the preceding Monday. That report was that Hunt was demanding $72,000 for living expenses and $50,000 for attorney's fees and the message was sent directly to me. I asked Mr. O'Brien, why are they sending it to me? He said, I happened to ask Mr. Hunt the same question. He said, you just send this message to Dean. He said, you tell him that if that money is not forthcoming quickly, because. sentencing is going to occur this week and it is going to take me time me to make arrangements, that I will have a lot of seamy things to say about the things I have done for John Ehrlichman and I will have to start, reconsidering my options, Now, that was what prompted me to raise this again with Dick Moore when I had had a meeting with Moore. I told Moore that I was, you know, this thing--we had talked for many, many months about trying to end this. I thought this to me was just another indication of direct blackmail of the White House. Senator GURNEY. Well, again, if we, can confine ourselves to the meeting of March 21 with the President-that is really what I am getting at. Mr. DEAN. Sir, I am saying that came up in the meeting with the President. Senator GURNEY. And you told him all about that? Mr. DEAN. Yes, I did. Senator GURNEY. And you told him about the raising of the coverup money, Kalmbach, all that activity? Mr. DEAN. I went, over that rather quickly. What I did was I painted a very -broad picture of what I thought was happening and asked him if there were any questions he wanted to ask about that, I would -fill in any details. Senator GURNEY. Did you talk to him about the Magruder -affair, helping to prepare his testimony for the grand jury? Mr. DEAN. I didn't get, into any great detail. I alluded to the fact that I had assisted Magruder in preparing him to go before the grand jury, in his second appearance before the, grand jury, yes, I did. Senator GURNEY. Did yon talk to the President or report to him about the executive clemency offer to Caulfield? Mr. DEAN. No, I didn't--to Caulfield? You mean through Caulfield to McCord? Senator GURNEY. Yes. Mr. DEAN. To the best of my knowledge, that did not come up and we didn't get into that. Senator GURNEY. Did Haldeman come in later at that meeting? Mr. DEAN. The President called Mr. Haldeman to come in. Senator GURNEY. And did you go over the whole thing, pretty much again while Mr. Haldeman was there? Mr. DEAN. No, Sir; I did not. [00.10.30-there was no witness to this meeting-prior to knowledge of the tape recorders!!!] Senator GURNEY. What transpired while Haldeman was there? Mr. DEAN. A decision was made that, Mr. Mitchell should come, down the next day and there was a brief discussion about, that. -From that, we went to a meeting in Haldeman and Ehrlichman's office. Senator GURNEY. That was the only thing that was discussed? Mr. DEAN. That was the sum and substance of Mr. Haldeman's appearance in the President's office. We were alone virtually the entire time and it was at, the very end of the meeting that he came in. Senator GURNEY. Do you remember how long he was there,? Mr. DEAN. I don't. I would not say more than .5 minutes or so, to the best of my recollection. Senator GURNEY. Did you have a, later meeting with the President and Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. DEAN. On -what day, sir? Senator GURNEY. That day. Mr. DEAN. Yes, sir. Senator GURNEY. What was discussed at that, meeting? [00.11.40-DEAN discusses meeting with HALDEMAN and EHRLICHMAN as the coverup is close to unraveling, they want to try to give up MITCHELL to save the coverup.] Mr. DEAN. as I say. I went form from the President's office to a subsequent meeting 'with Ehrlichman and Haldeman and the, discussions began to focus on Mitchell coming down and having Mitchell step forward and if Mitchell stepped forward and would account for this thing, then maybe the problems that had followed for the White House after the break-in would be forgotten. And we went to a meeting at the President's office that afternoon to rediscuss that. A number of ideas came up. [00.12.13]
Lawmakers - February 11, 1982 - Budget Debate
Paul Duke and Cokie Roberts in chamber of House Budget Committee, scene of the upcoming battle. Discussion of potentially long year for Reagan s agenda. Budget calls for biggest deficit in history, domestic programs get cut, but defense gets lots more money.
Lawmakers April 28 1983
Dec 8, 1982 Representative Edward Boland (D - Massachusetts) in debate in House, And what I can say is that your intelligence committee is as concerned about the substance of the allegations concerning paramilitary activates in Nicaragua and Central America as all of you
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 13, 1973 (1/2)
[00.17.14] Senator GURNEY. Do you know of your own knowledge what cash disbursements were made by Sloan or anybody else? Mr. STANS. I did not have any knowledge of cash disbursements by Mr. Sloan at the time other than the fact, as I testified yesterday, that Magruder had authority to direct Mr. Sloan to make payments. I did not know anything about, the amounts of the individual payments made by Mr. Sloan. I did know, of course, about the $50,000 that he gave to Alexander Lankler as I testified yesterday, I did not know at the time about any payments to Herbert Porter or to the White House beyond the $350,000 to which we have testified. I did not know about any payments which he made to Herbert Kalmbach or any of the other payments that were made by Mr. Sloan before or after April 7 except, that I believe I had some knowledge about the $15,000 that he gave, to Robert Athey at the request of Clement Stone to give to some law enforcement group in Illinois. Senator GURNEY. Back for a moment, to the $75,000 to Mr. Kalmbach. At that time did he tell you who asked him to get the money? Mr. STANS. No, he did not. He would not tell me. [00.18.57] Senator GURNEY. Did you ask him? Mr. STANS. I asked him why he wanted the money and he said it was on high authority for a White House project, not related to the election and I would have to trust him, that he had checked it, out. Senator GURNEY. Did you check with anybody else like Haldeman Ehrlichman, or anybody else whether you should pay the $75,000 to Kalmbach? Mr. STANS. No, I didn't. Senator GURNEY. At one point in your testimony yesterday you made passing reference to the fact, that you had received moneys from time to time from Mr. LaRue, you did not identify in what amounts or for what. Could you do that now? Mr. STANS. Yes. I received $30,000 from Mr. LaRue, not received in hand, but at my direction 'Mr. LaRue refunded the $30,000 that had come, from the Philippine contributor On another occasion late in the year Senator GURNEY. What did you do with this $30,000? Mr. STANS. At, the time Mr. LaRue made the repayment I didn't handle the money at all. He made it, direct Later in the year Senator GURNEY. Direct to whom? Mr. STANS. Mr. LaRue made the payment to Anna Chennault, to transmit, to Lagdameo who had proffered the contribution to us in the first place. Senator GURNEY. I see. Mr. STANS. Late in the year Mr. LaRue gave me $10,000 to give to Max Fisher which we had owed him for a long time for his traveling expenses in the course of the campaign. On another occasion, Mr. LaRue used $10,000 of the money we had given him to refund to a contributor whom I mentioned yesterday by the name of Saunders. So Mr. LaRue had accounted for three items, $30,000 plus $10,000 plus $10,000 or $50,000 against the $81,000 we had given to him. Subsequently, as I testified, I gave him $17,000 to begin to rebuild his fund, That is all I was as able to give him. So he then had an accountability for A balance of $48,000. Late in May Mr. LaRue gave us the $48,000 and balanced out his account. So far as I know of at this time of any transactions between our committee and Mr. LaRue, his account is balanced Senator GURNEY. Did you confer at any time with John Dean on the $25,000 Andreas contribution, how to handle it, The legality of it? Mr. STANS. No. I do not recall that I conferred with John Dean, about that item specifically. I believe that I conferred with John Dean and with other Counsel OD the principle of law of whether that contribution had to be reported as having been received after April 7 or whether it could be treated as a contribution before April 7, but only in terms of the principle of law.
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Committee Chief Counsel G. Robert Blakey continuing to discuss acoustic analysis carried out on the Dallas Police audio transmission tape. Independent experts Professor Mark Weiss and Ernest Aschkenasy were brought in to review the findings of Dr. James E. Barger of Bolt, Beranek, and Newman. Weiss and Aschkenasy focused on the third shot, the one Dr. Barger thought may have come from the grassy knoll. Weiss and Aschkenasy will be available to testify at the hearing today. Blakey discusses Weiss’ credentials. Weiss was also hired by the U.S. Government to analyze U.S. President Richard Nixon’s audio tapes during the Watergate investigations.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 28, 1973 (1/2)
Senator Daniel K. Inouye (D-HI): Is it your testimony that the first private meeting you had with the President of the United States in the year 1973 was on February 27th? Former White House Counsel John Dean: That is correct. Senator Inouye: Mr. Dean, the number of source stories containing allegations against the President attributed directly or indirectly to you over the last 4 or 5 weeks--- Mr. Dean: Excuse me, Senator. I do recall-- was that, did you say, private meetings? In other words, after the inauguration there was a church service meeting, as I recall, where I had a brief encounter with the President where he actually stopped me in the reception line as a result of an incident that had occurred during the inauguration. It may be relevant. I hadn't planned to discuss this, but if the committee wishes me to show my recollection of dealings with the President this may be well relevant. When going to the--right after the inauguration or during the inauguration, apparently there was a demonstrator who ran through the police lines and towards the President's car. That night, the head of the Secret Service detail protecting the President called me and told me that the President was quite angry and anxious to do something about this man charging at the President's car. The man had made it about 5 feet from the curb before he had been knocked down by Secret Service agents. I don't think anybody in the whole world who was watching the inauguration on television saw it. I certainly did not. Mr. Taylor, when he called me, said, 'What do I do? The President wants something done.' I said, Well, you just tell the President you've reported it to me, and I'll check into it.' Which I did. The next Sunday morning when I was going through the reception line the President pulled me aside and said to me, 'I want something done about that man, that fellow that charged the car.' I had looked into the case. The best this man could be charged with was a collateral offense for breaking police lines. There was no assassination attempt There was no evidence of anything like that. He was merely trying to make a point, as many demonstrators do, by being arrested in a public forum to make his protest. I had occasion to request the Secret Service to make a full investigation of the matter. They said that they, after examining the man, had released him. I also talked to Mr. Peterson at the Justice Department and Mr. Silbert at the Justice Department, and they told me there is no case here. They had talked to the Secret Service. Meanwhile, I was receiving further reports from Mr. Haldeman saying, 'What are you going to do with this man? We want a case made against him.' That is one where I just quietly let it go away, because there was no case.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 27, 1973
[00.47.29-GURNEY continues to try to put a sinister spin on DEAN'S failure to run straight to NIXON and tell him of the coverup-DEAN reiterates his earlier testimony that that was not the standard pattern.] Senator GURNEY. Well, of course, you must, have realized that this coverup business, at least, after it had gone, on for a little while, was pretty serious, did you not? Mr. DEAN. I did not like it from the outset. I do not think anybody liked it. Senator GURNEY. Do you not think as the President's attorney, you should have tried to go to him and warn him. about what was you being done? Mr. DEAN. I probably should have but I was assuming everything I reported to Mr. Haldeman and Ehrlichman was also being reported to the President. Senator GURNEY. Let us go and discuss for a moment. the FBI reports of the investigation Did you first go to Mr. Kleindienst for these reports? Now, I am talking about the 302 form, you know, FBI interviews with witnesses? Mr. DEAN. Right. I do not recall whether it was Mr. Kleindienst or Mr. Petersen that I first discussed this with I was being asked to get the reports, I had talked with---- Senator GURNEY. Who asked you to get the reports? Mr. DEAN. Initially, the request came from Mr. Mitchell, and I believe that was as a result of Mr. Mardian's desire to see the reports. Mr. Ehrlichman and Mr. Haldeman thought it was a good idea that I see the reports, and I had--at what point in time I actually raised this with either Petersen or Kleindienst, my recollection is I did talk to Mr. Petersen about it at, some time and he, suggested I go directly to Mr. Gray, and I cannot really with specificity tell you at what point in time I went to Gray, but, I do recall discussing it with Mr. Gray. [00.49.10-GURNEY raises a red herring of details] Senator GURNEY. Let us get back to Mr. Kleindienst though, because this is extremely important, I think. The Attorney General is head of the Justice Department and, of course, the FBI is under the Justice Department. Are you sure, you cannot recall whether you ever talked to him about getting these 302 forms? Mr. DEAN. It is very possible, as I said, Senator, it is very possible I did. I have---- Senator GURNEY. Well, you have recalled in minute detail in 245 pages of the testimony of almost everything Mr. DEAN. I understand that. I have tried to the best of my recollection to recall everything. I do not, recall specifically whether I talked to Mr. Kleindienst about this subject. The major item--- Senator GURNEY. Well, Well, do you recall if you talked to Mr. Petersen? Mr. DEAN. Yes, I just stated I did recall I did talk to Mr. Petersen. Senator GURNEY. What did you recall of that conversation? Mr. DEAN. I recall he suggested that I go directly to Mr. Gray. Senator GURNEY. Did either Mr. Petersen or Mr. Kleindienst or anybody, according to your recollection tell you that you could not get these FBI reports, that the President himself would have to get them and Mr. Kleindienst or Mr. Petersen would have to give them to the President? Mr. DEAN. I do not necessarily recall that it, was stated as you have stated it. I was told that the best way to deal with this situation is go directly to Mr. Gray. Mr. Gray initially said to me, "Why do you not read them in my office?" I said that would be, a, rather cumbersome arrangement. [00.50.34-DEAN and GURNEY butt heads a bit over the details] Senator GURNEY. Then, you have, no recollection that the Attorney General or Mr. Petersen told you that you could not have them unless you got them through the President? Mr. DEAN-. Well---- Senator GURNEY. Is that correct? Mr. DEAN. I have read this in the paper, Senator, that this was--- Senator GURNEY. Well, so have I, and that is -why I am asking you. Mr. DEAN. I do not recall it. frankly. Senator GURNEY. Well, Then let's go to Mr. Gray and your conversations with him about the 302 forms. What -were they? What were the conversations? Mr. DEAN. The conversation with Mr. Gray, well, I think as we initially discussed it, Mr. Gray told me that he thought that I could read them in his office, I told him I that was awkward. and when we discussed it, he. wanted some assurance that this information was being reported to the President. As I recall. I gave him Such an assurances that it was being reported to the President. [00.51.31-GURNEY harps on the fact that GRAY and DEAN have a sharp disagreement about the disposition of the files] Senator GURNEY. Can you recall that conversations more specifically because Mr. Gray testified at quite some. length before the Judiciary Committee on this in response to many questions. What is your recollection of it? Mr. DEAN. Well. Senator, I have, in preparing all my testimony. I have done this. I have not sought to go through in detail all of the press accounts, I have not, sought, to go through in detail all of the Gray hearings, for example I have not, sought to sit, and watch these hearings. Senator GURNEY. I understand that, and. all. I Want is your impression. Mr. DEAN. Yes. My impression-- Senator GURNEY. That is all. Mr. DEAN. [continuing]. Is what I am giving, and the receipt or non-receipt of the FBI interviews was not a very big thing for me, and that is why it doesn't strike very clearly in my mind. Senator GURNEY. Well, it was a pretty big thing for Mr. Gray. Mr. DEAN. I appreciate that. Senator GURNEY. Pretty nearly shot him out of the saddle as far as being the, head of the FBI is concerned. [00.52.23-here a split-screen shows GURNEY'S visible consternation over DEAN'S ability to respond to his grilling with competent answers-GURNEY chews his nails, etc.] Mr. DEAN. Well, I appreciate, that, Senator, and to the, best of my recollection, 'Mr. Gray said to me that, after I gave him assurance it was going to be reported, that he, would work something out. Now, I don't recall when I first received the initial reports. I only recall that it was after a summary report was prepared on the 21st 'Of July, as I recall the date, and I showed that report to the people at the 'White House and the people at the reelection committee, that the pressure began that I let others read the raw FBI reports. [00.53.04]
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 7, 1973
[00.52.00] Senator WEICKER. Did you feel that the basic, purpose of the meeting then, was that you would need the support of the administration in finding employment in the future? Mr. SLOAN. No, sir; I think I was looking at it more, from the other side of the coin, that I wanted to be sure that there would not be active efforts to inhibit my own efforts. Senator WEICKER. The fear of---- Mr. SLOAN. Retribution. Senator WEICKER. [continuing]. Of retribution. Mr. SLOAN. Yes, sir. Senator WEICKER. One last question, Mr. Sloan. You have, been very patient and very responsive also. How were the payments to Mr. Liddy made? In what form? You indicated, for example, in Mr. Strachan's Case that it was Put in a suitcase What was the nature and form Of payment to Mr. Liddy? Mr. SLOAN. In View Of the fact that he was physically located in the same suite of offices I was, he would generally just tell me he needed x number of dollars and generally, I would go get it and put it in a manila envelope, something of that sort. I think on one. occasion I was going to be out of town at a time he needed to pick up certain funds. I think on that occasion, he had his secretary, Sally Harmony come in and get the envelope. Senator WEICKER. You say that Sally Harmony picked up the Money from you? Mr. SLOAN. Yes, sir; on one occasion, I believe that was correct. Senator WEICKER. On one occasion? Mr. SLOAN. In an envelope. She--and I had forgotten this, but other testimony has brought it to mind. I think the circumstances were that he must have been out of town and called me and said, I need whatever the amount was; the only time I could pick it, up is I am coming in on Sunday or something. He said, what I will do is I will tell Sally to come into your office with an envelope and you take care of the matter and I do not want her to know what it is and she will put, it in my--he had a locked file drawer cabinet, in his, office--and she knows the combination, she will put, it in there. Senator WEICKER. So you turned over in envelope to her? Mr. SLOAN. Yes, sir; she did not see it. Senator WEICKER. She did not see the money but you gave her the envelope? Mr. SLOAN-. Yes. Senator WEICKER. She understood there was money in the envelope? Mr. SLOAN. No, No, sir; she did not. Senator WEICKER. She did not? Mr. SLOAN. I recall it, and I am not positive, Mr. Liddy stressed the fact that he did not want her to know that this was money. Senator WEICKER. Fine. One last question in relation to, again, the Haldeman meeting. Was there any discussion at all at that meeting of Magruder's perjury suggestion? Mr. SLOAN. I did not mention it by name, but in relating to why I had left--I was trying to give him an accounting of why I had made the. personal decisions I had. I said I have been asked to perjure myself on numerous occasions and in my judgment, there was pressure to take the fifth amendment, and I said, Bob, I am just not prepared to do that. Senator WEICKER. What was his response? Mr. SLOAN. I am not positive. I think I would be Putting words in his mouth, but I think it was to the effect that, well, I realize there were mistakes made in the early period. Senator WEICKER, I have no further questions, [00.55.25--MacNEILL in studio] MacNEILL gives the gist of SLOAN's testimony, that he did not believe the White House was involved in a COVERUP, but placing MAGRUDER at the center Solicits viewer response to coverage, citing 70,000+ letters, 99% approving [shot of mailbag, MacNEILL V.O. reads letters, titles show excerpts from the letters] MacNEILL urges viewers to give feedback to local PBS stations, along with donations [PBS network ID--title screen 'SENATE HEARINGS ON CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES'--back to MacNEILL] [00.59.58--Mac NEILL introduces next questions from Sen. MONTOYA.] [01.00.07--committee room]
LAWMAKERS
20.08.42-ROBERTS-discussion of the confused issue of war, peace, and arms, role of MX MISSILE proponents in clouding the issue. WERTHEIMER-the BANK INDUSTRY LOBBY has successfully gotten the HOUSE to repeal TAX LAW requiring withholding of INTEREST and DIVIDEND INCOME. Discussion of the contentiousness of the issue. Discussion of the BUDGET DEBATE process. TAX INCREASES and the DEFICIT are key points of contention. Intro profile of BOB DOLE and his influence in the Senate. 20.11.15-M/S of GERALD FORD at 1976 REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION, announcing his pleasure at having BOB DOLE as running mate, DOLE stands behind FORD. M/S DOLE at campaign dinner, says he want to be Vice-President because "it's indoor work and no heavy lifting". L/S GERALD and Mrs. FORD on podium at Convention. DOLE v.o.-FORD wanted him to take the low road in the campaign when they fell behind CARTER. CLIP of Vice Presidential Debate, DOLE mentions the totals of wounded in "DEMOCRAT WARS" (his count includes WORLD WAR II as a "Democrat War", although the Civil war that would have resulted from four more years of HOOVER would no doubt have been bloodier). WALTER MONDALE in debate responds that DOLE has richly earned his reputation as a hatchet man. 20.12.47-DOLE in office, reminisces that the bad publicity from the 1976 campaign didn't hurt him too badly in the long run. Shot of REAGAN supporters cheering the 1980 ELECTION RESULTS. M/S HOWARD BAKER and wife at press conference, celebrating the REAGAN landslide. Shot of sign over door of Senate Chamber. Shots of SENATE REPUBLICANS in conference, Shot of DOLE walking into Senate Chamber. M/S DOLE in office, tells of his appointment to be chair of FINANCE COMMITTEE, pressure of replacing Democrat RUSSELL LONG in commmittee. C/S LONG in front of Capitol, says that he answered the call of "Mr. Chairman" out of habit in the first rollcall in committee. M/S DOLE and LONG in committee hearing.
Budget Reconciliation Act 1981 Debate
U.S. House Representative James Jones (D-OK) continues to explain why his position changed to support the rule; First, budget reconciliation is a complicated process and is not the job of the committee to decide what to cut, but only how much to cut. Second, he does not wish to undermine the process of budget reconciliation. And third, he believes in having a controlled timeline for this process, which has been mutually agreed upon by both parties. Jones: "After Gramm-Latta passed and the committees intensely worked for thirty days to make the specific cuts and they reported back beginning on June 12 to the Budget Committee, we looked at what they did. We asked the Congressional Budget Office to verify what they did and we found that in addition to the $35.1 billion they were asked to cut next year, they not only met that target, but the House committees cut $37.6 billion in fiscal year 1982 outlays; $2.6 billion more than they were asked to cut." Rep. Jones then questions Rep. Del Latta's (R-OH) assertion of shortfalls given the CBO disagrees, verifying the work of the House and Senate. The Office of Management and Budget may agree, but they have been wrong in other recent predictions.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 26, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean.
John Dean. Now, with regard to the ATF. Mr. Caulfield was at ATF after he left the White House and going by way of the reelection committee, and from time to time he would send over tidbits of information regarding individuals. Some of this might be reflected in my file because I cannot recall ever doing anything with this information other than filing it. The CIA, I don t recall myself receiving, anything that we might call politically embarrassing information from the CIA about any individual. The memorandum I received from the CIA were straight classified documents regarding activities of some antiwar demonstrators or people traveling to Hanoi and things of this nature. Also, foreign funding of domestic radical groups and things of this nature which I would forward generally to Dr. Kissinger or General Haig. With regard to the FBI, I mentioned that IRS, I think that you will find in either exhibit 5 or possibly maybe 6, reference to some use of the Internal Revenue Service and requesting information or dealing with situations with regard to the Internal Revenue Service. I m also aware of the fact that after an article was published on Mr. Rebozo I got instructions that one of the authors of that article should have some problems. I didn t know how to deal directly with the situation. I discussed it with Mr. Caulfield. I was reluctant to call Mr. Walters who was the head of the Internal Revenue Service and suggest that he do anything about this. Mr. Caulfield apparently had friends in the Internal Revenue Service and I believe he told me, he was able to accomplish an audit on the individual. What the consequence of the audit was I don t know. Senator Lowell Weicker (R Connecticut). Who is the individual? John Dean. I do not recall for certain. It was one of the, I think it was one of the Newsday persons who worked on a rather extensive article on Mr. Rebozo.