Advanced Search
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 28, 1973 (1/2)
[00.55.30-TALMADGE questions DEAN about the organizational setup at the White House and DEAN'S access to NIXON-DEAN repeats that he had contact with NIXON through HALDEMAN and EHRLICHMAN] Senator TALMADGE. Do you know who was responsible for that organizational setup? Mr. DEAN. Mr. Haldeman had basically told me who I would report to, Mr. Ehrlichman had been the former counsel, and when I got into legal areas that were of interest to him, I also supplied legal assistance through my office, to the domestic counsel on occasion. Senator TALMADGE. Then, Mr. Haldeman informed You of that organizational setup, is that a correct answer? Mr. DEAN-. That is correct. sir. It was just--it was not a matter of being informed, it just existed when you arrived. When I started there I was alone. I finally persuaded them to let me get one assistant. Slowly as the workload of my office increased. I got two or three more. I had inherited a couple of people when I came on. Mr. Huston was there, but he never really worked directly for me. He was raking his assignments from Mr. Haldeman or doing speechwriting for Mr. Price and Mr. Caulfield when I first came was still doing assignments for Mr. Ehrlichman. [00.56.41] Senator TALMADGE. When were you told that you had no direct access to the President but must go through Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. DEAN. Well, Senator, I had had dealings with the White House before I even joined the staff and I had a pretty good feel for the operation in the White House from working on developing various legislative programs that went over to the White House. And in talking to people, over there I had gotten to know a number of people before I even went to the staff, and that is just the way it was, [00.57.14-a response to the assertions raised by Sen. GURNEY that DEAN could/should have informed NIXON directly of his knowledge of the coverup] Senator TALMADGE. Did you ever try to obtain direct access to the President without going through Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. DEAN. There is no way that would be possible, Senator. If, for example, you were to pick up the telephone and call the President, the call would be, transferred immediately by the operator to Mr. Haldeman or some other member of the staff. But generally if, say, any other staff member called, the call would generally go to -Mr. Haldeman to clear the call. He would want to know why you wanted to call and what the subject matter was, so you were in a sense reporting to Mr. Haldeman. Senator TALMADGE. Did you ever see anyone try to go into the Office of the, President without going through Mr. 'Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. DEAN. I think I made reference, in, early in my testimony I believe there is a reporter in this room. 'Mr. Mollenhoff, who used to be on the White House staff and I noted on occasion in looking back over some old records that he had a special counsel title and worked in some areas was, In a sense, what I might call also firefighting to put out, problems of conflicts and dealing in areas like that and I saw a number of memorandums that he had sent to the President which never got there, and they had been returned by Mr. Haldeman. Senator TALMADGE. You never saw him try to walk in the President's office? Mr. DEAN. No, I did not. There -are a lot of Secret Service agents around the President's Office, I might add, also. Senator TALMADGE. One other thing I -would like some clarification on. On Monday I asked you a question and it appears on page 2465, line 23 of the record. "Did you think it was part of an effort to make you the fall guy in the plan?" And your answer begins immediately, of course, after the question but then, beginning on line 8 of page 2466 you stated something that I would like more clarification on. [00.59.08] "I had seen situations like this occur where people who had not actually done something take the blame for it to avoid embarrassing others higher up and I felt it was a real possibility." Now, were you referring to the situation at the White House? Mr. DEAN. Yes, sir, I was. Senator TALMADGE. Could you give us an illustration of some instances of that type where Mr. DEAN. I can give you instances that I think are public knowledge of--I think I have already alluded to one because another member of this panel had another follow-up question of this nature. The one, I have already referred to was the fact that Mr. Malik was--took the blame, so to speak, for instigating an investigation of Mr. Daniel Schorr. Another interesting situation--there was during the 1970 campaign a rather-- Senator TALMADGE. Who was he taking the blame for? Mr. DEAN. Mr. Haldeman. Senator TALMADGE. Haldeman. All right. Go ahead. Mr. DEAN. Or the President. [01.00.15]
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 5, 1973 - Sally Harmony Testimony
U.S. Senator Edward Gurney (R-FL): "Since we are on the subject of moneys, do you recall any occasion that Mr. Liddy received any moneys from anyone?" Secretary to G. Gordon Liddy, Sally Harmony: "Now are you speaking of payment to Mr. Liddy, Senator Gurney?" Sen. Gurney: "That's right. Payment, cash, anything in the form of moneys." Mrs. Harmony: "That was given to Mr. Liddy? No, I am not aware of ever having seen him given any money." Sen. Gurney: "Were you aware of any occasions when he might have given money to anybody else?" Mrs. Harmony: "I am not, only on the occasion of when I gave the sealed envelope to Mr. Hunt that Mr. Sloan had given to me." Sen. Gurney: "And you think there was money in that envelope?" Mrs. Harmony: "That would be my assumption, sir." Sen. Gurney: "Do you have any idea how much and what for?" Mrs. Harmony: "I would have no idea." Sen. Gurney: "No one ever discussed it with you?" Mrs. Harmony: "No." Sen. Gurney: "You did mention that Mr. Liddy received many of his phone calls himself." Mrs. Harmony: "Yes." Sen. Gurney: "Do you recall who might have called him that you knew about?" Mrs. Harmony: "I have taken messages and asked him to return calls. I remember he did this." Sen. Gurney: "Do you recall who they were from?" Mrs. Harmony: "We're speaking of just general day-to-day?" Sen. Gurney: "That's right." Mrs. Harmony: "He talked to a number of people, I think, at the White House, occasionally." Sen. Gurney: "Who were they?" Mrs. Harmony: "Mr. Dean, Mr. Krogh, Mr. Strachan. He talked to Mr. Barker — I think Mr. Roger Barker is at the IRS. He had conversations with a couple of people down at the General Accounting Office on occasion." Sen. Gurney: "Let's talk about the White House for a moment. Do you know what he talked about with people in the White House?" Mrs. Harmony: "Senator Gurney, I would have no idea." Sen. Gurney: "He never told you of these conversations?" Mrs. Harmony: "No." Sen. Gurney: "Who did he talk to most at the White House?" Mrs. Harmony: "I would have no way of knowing that. Let me say, when Mr. Liddy worked, he worked with his door closed, he placed his own calls, and most of the time took his own incoming calls." Sen. Gurney: "Would you have any recollection that he talked to one person more than another?" Mrs. Harmony: "No, I wouldn't." Sen. Gurney: "These memorandums that you typed and referred to Ruby 1, and Ruby 2, and Crystal, these must have provoked your curiosity, with Ruby 1, Ruby 2, and then Crystal?" Mrs. Harmony: "No, sir." Sen. Gurney: "They did not?" Mrs. Harmony: "No." [laughter]
Capitol Journal - Contra Aid
Washington DC: Various shots of Congressional Committees meeting examining funding for Contras, Defense Secretary CASPAR WEINBERGER testifies before House Arms Services Committee, Representative PAT SCHROEDER asks why funding the Contras is necessary to protect the North American continent.
Congress: We The People - Lobbying Congress
John Thomas, US Chamber of Commerce, There was a time, according to the history books, where you could lobby Judge Smith (who was the chairman of the House Rules Committee< and that was all that was really necessary.)
Watergate Hearings - testimony of James McCord (Jim McCord) May 22, 1973
Mr. James McCORD. Continuing on a separate subject in a statement, if that is your desire. Senator BAKER. Yes, sir. Mr. James McCORD. The topic of this Memorandum is "Sanction of the Watergate a Operation." John Mitchell, by virtue of his position as Attorney General of the United States, and John Dean, by virtue of his position as counsel to the President, by their consideration and approval of the Watergate operation, in my opinion, gave sanction to the Watergate operation by both the White House and the Attorney General's offices. I had been accustomed to working in an atmosphere where such sanction by the White House and the Attorney General was more than enough. As with White House staffers, it was not my habit to question when two such high offices sanctioned an activity-- it carried the full force and effect of Presidential sanction. For the preceding 30 years I had been working in an environment where if there were ever tiny question of the legality of a matter or an activity it would always be sent to high legal I officials for a legal decision on the matter, where if they sanctioned it, that was sufficient. I can elaborate, on this another way Left alone, I would not have undertaken the operation. I had plenty of other things to do in connection with my security work at the Committee To Re-Elect the President. Liddy wanted help, he came to me seeking that help with the word that it had the approval of the Attorney General and the counsel to the President. He said that it was part of the CRP mission, in order to obtain information regarding not only political intelligence, but also regarding violence-oriented groups who would be planning violence against the committee in Washington, and later at the August convention site, thereby endangering the lives and property of the committee and its personnel. My mission was protection of such lives and such property.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, May 23, 1973
Mr. Gerald ALCH. When we arrived at Mr. Bitman's office Mr. McCord has alleged that I sensed his anger at Mr. Barkers presence and therefore delayed going up to Mr. Bitmans office for approximately thirty minutes. The simple truth is, the I suggested when we got out of the cab that we three have a cocktail and Mr. McCord, Mr. Shankman and I went to a restaurant directly across the street from Mr. Bitmans office for just that purpose. When we arrived at Mr. Bitmans office I went with Mr. McCord and Mr. Shankman to the firms library and went back to Mr. Bitman's office to see if he was there. I had a discussion with him, Mr. Bitman in which he confirmed the judge's refusal to entertain any change of plea by Mr. Hunt until after opening statement. At this point, I recall mentioning to Mr. Bitman that I felt my client was becoming a bit paranoid, that he felt he was being made "the patsy" or the fall guy. I mentioned it at that time since in my mind that allegation made to me by Mr. McCord seemed inconsistent with Mr. Hunt's desire to plead guilty. After I mentioned Mr. McCord s apprehension, my recollection is that Mr. Bitman said in words or substance, tell Mr. McCord he'll receive a call from a friend of his. Mr. Bitman did not mention the White House as alleged by Mr. McCord. The identity of this friend was not made known to me, nor did I make inquiry in this matter. I considered the possibility without actually knowing .....(looking through paperwork)....that the purpose of this call was to allay Mr. McCord's fears that his co-defendants were turning against him and that the caller could very well be Mr. Bitman's client Mr. Hunt, this was surmised on my part. I considered this possibility in view of the context of the conversation immediately proceeding Mr. Bitman's remark, that is my statement in accordance with Mr. McCord's request of his apprehension with regard to his co-defendants. I subsequently told Mr. McCord just what Mr. Bitman had told me, that he would receive a call from a friend. I did not mention the word the White House because Mr. Bitman did not mention those words to me. Mr. McCord nodded, said OK and had no further response to my statement.
LAWMAKERS
08.49.34-WETA credit/sponsor credits/title sequence 08.50.25-PAUL DUKE in studio. On program-new fiscal year, start of REAGAN budget cuts. Continued debate over sale of MILITARY RADAR system to SAUDI ARABIA, Effort to curb SPECIAL INTEREST groups operating in CONGRESS. REPUBLICANS taking to wearing buttons announcing a "new era" of economic progress. 08.51.05-LINDA WERTHEIMER intro report on CONGRESS working to finish APPROPRIATION BILL, race to secure temporary funding to prevent GOVERNMENT SHUTDOWN. 08.51.42-Shot of Rep. SYLVIO CONTE (R-MA) arguing in well of HOUSE for CONGRESS to get off the stick and pass the temporary funding. Shot of Rep. JAMIE WHITTEN (D-Miss.). Shot of TIP O'NEILL racing through procedural matters and a voice vote. WERTHEIMER v.o.-CONGRESS treated itself to a provision allowing CONGRESSMEN to deduct WASHINGTON living expenses from taxes. Shot of CONTE arguing that the deduction is fair, compares to the expense deductions given to the PRESS when they travel. Shot of packed JOINT COMMITTEE MEETING. WERTHEIMER v.o.-SENATORS granted themselves exemptions to the $25,000 limit on outside income. Shot of Rep. DAVID OBEY (D-WI), argues that the SENATE shouldn't criticize the HOUSE after that exemption. Shot of CONGRESSMEN in debate. Shot of REAGAN'S BUDGET DIRECTOR DAVID STOCKMAN, testifying to HOUSE COMMITTEE. STOCKMAN argues that REAGANOMICS is leading to balanced budget, CONGRESS must uphold the progress. Shot of Rep. JAMES JONES (D-OK), questioning STOCKMAN. STOCKMAN argues that REAGAN doesn't really want to cut AFDC, LUNCH SUBSIDIES, or STUDENT LOANS, just streamline the programs. Shots of REPUBLICAN congressmen in committee, include JACK KEMP and DELBERT LATTA. LATTA condemns the poor for demanding too much food stamps and subsidized housing. Rep. JONES says CONGRESS doesn't intend to continue with high deficits, LATTA demands votes and action to cut spending. JONES replies, "well, you lost the vote". 08.57.44-DUKE/WERTHEIMER in studio; discussion of the budgetary debates-circus in which CONGRESSMEN were able to pass perks for themselves without any recorded votes. DUKE asks why CONGRESSMEN don't vote publicly and openly for their pay raises, conclusion that it's bad politics. A
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 29, 1973 (1/2)
[00.33.27-side view of ERVIN and BAKER seated at table] AFTERNOON SESSION, FRIDAY, JUNE 29, 1973 Senator ERVIN. The committee will come to order. Mr. Dean, Was Governor George Wallace of Alabama, on the list of enemies? [00.34.11] Mr. DEAN. Senator, I never really have gone through the list of enemies so I cannot name that, The only thing I know about Mr. Wallace in that relationship at all is that, the fact that, I understand that during Mr. Wallace's--Governor Wallace's--last gubernatorial campaign, that a substantial amount of money was provided by Mr. Kalmbach somewhere between $200,000 and $400,000, to Mr. Wallace's opponent. Senator ERVIN. That was provided in the last Governor's race in Alabama? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Senator ERVIN. Yes. Between $200,000 and $400,000? Mr. DEAN. 200. Senator ERVIN. 200,000. Mr. DEAN. And $100,000, yes. I do not know the precise figure. Senator ERVIN. Yes. I have no further questions. Senator Baker. [00.35.05] Senator BAKER. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much. Do I understand that, you know that, of your own knowledge, Mr. Dean? Mr. DEAN. That was told me by Mr. Kalmbach, who apparently made the arrangements. Senator BAKER. Thank you very much. Mr. Dean. this is your fifth day on the stand, and it is, I hope, the last session for this committee and for you and, therefore, I intend to abbreviate my questions, although following the same technique, I did yesterday. Let me, tell you in advance the two questions I -want to ask which will require multiple answers and try to suggest a format for the purposes of abbreviation. Obviously if you have an elaboration that you wish to make on any of these points you are free, to do so. But if you could answer them first and then elaborate, it would help us along. [00.35.56] My primary thesis is still what did the, President know, and when did he know it? On yesterday, I asked you to respond and you did respond, in terms of the quality of your knowledge, that is to say, whether it was direct first-hand information, whether it, was circumstantial or whether it was second-hand or hearsay information. Mr. DEAN. And I also believe I added documentary. Senator BAKER. Documentary evidence, that, is Correct. What I would like to do today is to limit that inquiry to the remaining meetings that that we did not cover and to direct information only. This is not to imply that I am not interested in the other but I hope to contain this to about 20 minutes, and if you could tell me In seriatim what you know first-hand of your own knowledge of the President's knowledge, and the date of that knowledge beginning where we left Off yesterday in February and working your way through the ending of your employment at the White House, I would be grateful. [00.37.01] Now, the second question I am going to put, to you after we finish that is one that really is, I am afraid, cumbersome and awkward. But You are a lawyer and I am a lawyer and we both understand the necessity for this. Rather than me asking you detailed and probing questions on particular areas of conflict in your testimony and those of other witnesses who have testified or witnesses we may have hereafter about Which you have personal knowledge, would you identify for me important elements of controversy that you know or suspect to exist. [00.37.38] This is Once again for the sake of organizing your rather voluminous testimony so that we have some Idea of how to test it, against the testimony of other witnesses. If you think either of those questions unfair I will try to revise them. If, you are, a agreeable to trying to proceed in that manner I would appreciate It If, you began first -with your first-hand knowledge of Presidential involvement, in February where we concluded our interrogation yesterday, [00.38.07]
Mother Of The Year
The ladies have their day at the White House as the First Lady welcome's members of the 'Mother of the Year' committee Mrs. Eisenhower chats with Mrs. Jane Maxwell Pritchard who has been awarded the signal matter for 1956. Establishing shot - White House, outdoors. MCUS - Mrs. Eisenhoweer and Jane Maxwell Pritchard, 'Mother of the Year'. MCUS - Mrs. Eisenhower chatting with Mrs. Pritchard.
Capitol Journal - Soviet persecution of Nicholas Daniloff
The House meets about the need to condemn the Soviet Union for arresting Nicholas Daniloff. Representative DANTE FACCELL (D - Florida) Mr Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to discharge the Committee on Foreign Affairs from further consideration of HRS-542 in the arrest imprisonment and indictment of Nicholas Daniloff by the Soviet Union and ask for its immediate consideration in the House.
CONGRESS: WE THE PEOPLE - "Complicated Congress"
U.S. Representative Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL) in office, states there are many dedicated people working in government doing their best to govern in very complicated scenarios. Series editor Norman Ornstein (VO) states that Rep. Rostenkowski's colleagues acknowledge the complicated nature of governing; contemporary Congress has been complicated by large increases in size and scope. Adult Caucasian Congressman looking over papers from seat on panel. Rep. Rostenkowski leaning over, talking with Representatives Richard Schulze (R-PA) and Louis Bafalis (R-FL) of the House Ways and Means Committee. Stone emblem of eagle with outstretched wings; House Committee meeting in progress. Painting of 1829 Capitol Building.
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Committee Deputy Chief Counsel Gary T. Cornwell continuing to take testimony of Professor Mark Weiss and Ernest Aschenasy on acoustic analysis of the Dallas Police audio transmission tape from the assassination. Weiss discusses his audio analysis of Dealey Plaza with the aid of visual displays, points out the hypothetical location of observer and shooter near the Grassy Knoll in an enlarged aerial photo. Weiss explains the directions of gunfire sounds. Middle-aged adult Caucasian female assistant steps in to reposition Weiss’ microphone. Weiss discusses sound and echo patterns in Dealey Plaza.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 26, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean.
Senator Lowell Weicker (R Connecticut). Did Mr. Sullivan indicate to you that summaries of the logs had gone to several persons in the White House? John Dean. When I was dealing with Sullivan, he didn't seem to know the final disposition of the logs. And we didn't discuss when the logs had gone over to the White House at that time, during the time that they were, the wiretaps were being taken. Senator Lowell Weicker (R Connecticut). Mr. Dean, I am not talking about the final disposition of the logs and summaries but rather where the summaries of the logs went to at the time that they were being done. John Dean. No, sir. Sullivan did not tell me where they had gone, to the best I have no recollection of that and I think I would have remembered it.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 25, 1973 - Statement of John Dean.
Within 45 minutes of sending this message I had a call from the White House operator informing me that, the President wished to meet with me at 9 o'clock. It was shortly after 9 when I arrived at the President's Executive Office Building office. As I was driving into the White House I wondered to myself if the Meeting was a set up. By a set up I mean was the President going to try to smoke out of me what Ehrlichman and Haldeman had obviously been trying to do, been unable to do, and knowing the fact that I would not play games with the President that the information would come out. I decided I couldn t worry about that and I had a duty to explain to the President why I was doing what I had done.
"Operation Abolition": HUAC Film on U Cal Protest
Douglas Wachter testifies calmly, I respectfully object to the question on the same grounds. Any question as to my political beliefs, associations, statements, deprives me of the right to free speech, assembly and petition. The House Un-American Activities Committee serves no real constitutional or legislative purpose. It punishes individuals... He is interrupted by one of the Committee members. Crowd applauds. Committee member, You are reading from a prepared statement. Continue reading please. Wachter, It punishes individuals and groups for political ideas and associations through public exposure and condemnation. He is interrupted by a committee member, You are refusing to answer on the basis Wachter, I have objected to the question. It punishes individuals and groups for political ideas and associations through public exposure and condemnation often resulting in economic sanctions. I cannot corporate with the committee in answering any such questions. I feel I have an obligation as a citizen of this country to preserve the constitution. And I do not feel I can do so in good conscience by allowing the House on Un-American Activities Committee to enquire into my beliefs or associations. Wachter speaks to his lawyer. Wachter, I decline to answer that question on the grounds previously stated and I also respectfully refuse to answer that question on the constitutional grounds that I cannot be forced to bare witness against myself.
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
U.S. Representatives Samuel L. Devine (R-OH) and L. Richardson Preyer (D-NC) with House Select Committee on Assassinations Chairman U.S. Representative Louis Stokes (R-OH). Committee Chief Counsel G. Robert Blakey discusses the Committee’s statistical analysis of the witness testimony regarding the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, introduces JFK exhibit F-360; adult Caucasian female staff member sets up chart breaking down witness testimony regarding the direction of shots fired. 27.5 percent of witnesses felt the shots came from the direction of the Texas School Book Depository; 11 percent believed the shots came from the Grassy Knoll; 13.9 percent thought the shots originated elsewhere; and 43.8 percent were unable to tell where the shots came from. Blakey argues that witnesses who were also trained law enforcement personnel might be better at originating shots from sound than other witnesses.
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Committee Deputy Chief Counsel Gary T. Cornwell asking Professor Mark Weiss if he concluded the hypothetical shooter was not in the chosen location, or if the open microphone of the Dallas Police motorcycle was not in the right location; Weiss says this was the conclusion. Weiss says that after changing the position of the shooter and the microphone (the two variables), you start to close in on data matching the original Dallas Police audio transmission. Weiss discusses the difficulty encountered in getting the experiment data to match the data from the original police audio transmission.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, May 23, 1973 Testimony of John Caulfield.
Mr. Fred THOMPSON. Alright now let me ask you about your relationship with Mr. Ehrlichman for just a few moments. How long did you work for Mr. Ehrlichman when he was council to the President? Mr. John CAULFIELD. From the day that I arrived at the White House on April 8, 1969 formally through July '70 when Mr. Ehrlichman moved over to the domestic council and then on an informal basis from that time till the time I departed the White House. Mr. THOMPSON. After Mr. Ehrlichman left the office of council to the President, Mr. Dean was his successor is that correct? Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes sir. Mr. THOMPSON. You remained there in the office under Mr. Dean, is that correct? Mr. CAULFIELD. That's correct. Mr. THOMPSON. Did you have any contact or any continuing relationship with Mr. Ehrlichman after Mr. Ehrlichman left to go to the office of domestic affairs? Mr. CAULFIELD. Well only on rare peripheral matters relative to the investigations that I indicated in my statement. Mr. THOMPSON. While you were working for Mr. Ehrlichman directly as I understand that you had possibly more than one function but one of those was to carry out certain investigations. Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes, I had many other functions sir, but that was one small part of my duties at the White House sir. Mr. THOMPSON. And you continued to do some of these matters for him, or pursuant to his direction after he left that office? Mr. CAULFIELD. On very rare occasions sir. Mr. THOMPSON. Would you on some occasions act as a inter-mediator between Mr. Ehrlichman and Tony Ulasewicz? Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes sir. Mr. THOMPSON. For jobs that Mr. Ulasewicz would do? Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes sir. Mr. THOMPSON. Would you say that that would be a frequent occasion? Mr. CAULFIELD. That would be infrequent after July of 1970. Mr. THOMPSON. But occasionally? Mr. CAULFIELD. Oh yes sir. Mr. THOMPSON. Mr. Caulfield, in your statement here you state that you were guessing that Mr. Dean probably was referring to Mr. Ehrlichman when he referred high white house sources? Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes that was my guess. Mr. THOMPSON. That was your guess at the time. Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes. Mr. THOMPSON. Now you also go to state that you know, you say "I know that he was in conversation with someone about my contacts with Mr. McCord, since when I was in his office on January 13th he received a telephone call and I heard him say - I'm receiving a report on that right now". Are you referring to Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. CAULFIELD. No, I (laughs) what I'm saying was the call come in, there were no names mentioned, Mr. Dean said I'm receiving there was apparently the party calling made some comments, Mr. Dean said I'm getting a report on that right now.... Mr. THOMPSON. Oh I see, this conversation that you overheard was with Mr. Dean and someone else. Mr. CAULFIELD. I'm in Mr. Dean's presence Mr. Thompson. Mr. THOMPSON. I see and you assumed that perhaps that conversation was with Mr. Ehrlichman? Or possibly with Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. CAULFIELD. Possibly with Mr. Ehrlichman but I have no way of knowing sir. Mr. Fred THOMPSON. You feel like there definitely in your mind that he was talking with someone else about it, is that correct? Mr. CAULFIELD. Well, I want to be careful there sir because I just don't know where the call come from, if it was coming form outside it could have been someone else, if it was coming form somewhere within the White House then it was someone in the White House, so ... (laughs) By that I mean sir there was an inter office telephone system. Now, I do not know and have no way of knowing if that was an inter office call or whether or not it was a call coming from outside. Mr. THOMPSON. I see. Mr. CAULFIELD. So, that's why I mention it that way. Mr. THOMPSON. What would you say was the relationship between Mr. Dean and Mr. Ehrlichman during this period of time? Did Mr. Dean in many matters in effect report to Mr. Ehrlichman or answer to Mr. Ehrlichman? Mr. CAULFIELD. Yes sir, on many matters having to do with Mr. Deans work and Mr. Ehrlichman's work as well. Mr. THOMPSON. Did you ever talk to Mr. Ehrlichman about this matter, this business of possible executive clemency for Mr. McCord? Mr. CAULFIELD. No sir. Mr. THOMPSON. Never did? Mr. CAULFIELD. No sir. Mr. THOMPSON. Did you ever talk to anyone there at the White House besides Mr. Dean? Mr. CAULFIELD. Absolutely no one but Mr. John Dean. Mr. THOMPSON. I have no further questions Mr. Chairman.
LAWMAKERS
Sen. ROBERT STAFFORD (R-VT), says he expects he expects a reformed CLEAN AIR ACT to proceed without rush or delay through the Senate. ROBERTS v.o.-STAFFORD made it clear that he wouldn't be rushed into any reforms on CLEAN AIR, and after a year and a half, STAFFORD'S committee reported a CLEAN AIR ACT that was more stringent than the old one. Shots of SENATE COMMITTEE session. Shots of HOUSE COMMITTEE meeting with JOHN DINGELL (D-MI) chairing. Shot of DINGELL seated in office, says there are a lot of conflicting industrial interests, says ENVIRONMENTALISTS are not concerned with JOBS.
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 29, 1973 (2/2)
[01.30.45-DASH interrogates DEAN about efforts to find MAGRUDER a job to prevent him from talking to the prosecution] Mr. DASH. Now, the subject matter says what "Options for Jeb Magruder." Mr. DEAN. That is correct. Mr. DASH. What was it all about? Why was this memorandum written, and what do they mean by options for Jeb Magruder? Mr. DEAN Well, it was shortly before this time that Mr. Magruder had been making some statements to Mr. O'Brien which I had in turn relayed to Mr. Haldeman. These statements were to the effect that Mr. Haldeman--that he, was aware of Mr. Haldeman's involvement in certain aspects of the pre-April or pre-June 17 aspects of the, Watergate, and he was indicating to Mr. O'Brien that, in fact, it was his understanding that the President might. have had knowledge, of this. When I reported this back to Mr. Haldeman, the interest in finding Mr. Magruder a job increased about tenfold old, and this is the product of that. Mr. DASH. Then it -would fair to characterize this memorandum as a memorandum to show what could be done for Jeb Magruder to help him out in that case? Mr. DEAN. That is right. [01.31.51] Mr. DASH. As a matter of fact, let me read to you the opening part of that memorandum which indicates that perhaps some pressure might have to be brought to get him a job. "Listed below are nine possible options for Jeb. Some will break more, china to secure than others. Where there are problems I have so noted them." What is your interpretation of "some will break more china than others?" Mr. DEAN. I do not know exactly. That could mean one of many things, that, the given head of an agency might have had a various level of tolerance for the White House continuing to place people in their agencies. It could mean that people would want to know about Magruder's awareness which I do not know if Mr. Jones had any awareness that Mr. Magruder had problems, but whether Mr. Higby had related that to them or not, I certainly did -not so it is very hard for me, to interpret exactly what that phrase, means; and I think only Mr. Jones can testify what he meant by that. Mr. DASH. I think it is fair for the record of this committee to clarify here. Is it your testimony that Mr. Jerry Jones, -who had been asked to prepare this memorandum and seek- out these, options, did not himself,. of your knowledge, know what Mr. Magruder's problems were or know anything about, the Watergate coverup? [01.33.14] Mr. DEAN. Not to my knowledge. In fact, when I was talking about this with Higby before, Mr. Jon knowledge prepared this, one of the jobs I had heard of after talking -with Jeb that he might be interested in was the job that ended, up as No. 1, which was the assistant to the Secretary or Deputy Undersecretary of Commerce for Policy Development. And apparently Mr. Higby relayed that on to Mr. Jones. No. I do not know when I first heard of that at I job but, I did, did, when Magruder came by I mentioned I heard of that job and he expressed Immediate interest in it. [01.33.57] Mr. DASH. Mr. Dean, you testified you were. asked by Mr. MacGregor to tell him the true you facts and that you testified that you checked 'with Mr. Ehrlichman and Ehrlichman said no that you should not tell Mr. MacGregor the true facts. Do you recall what Mr. MacGregor's reaction was when you refused to tell him the true facts, or how did you handle that? Mr. DEAN. Well, what I did was I gave him the most evasive song and dance I could to weave, him through the problems he was going to have down there, and I recall that as soon as Mr. MacGregor would have a press conference that people at the White House who hit the ceiling because he would say something that would created more problems than it would solve, and I felt very sorry for Mr. MacGregor because he did not know what he should say and what he should not say and he had been given a lot of assurances that -were assurances he should not have been given, and I think, I am sure I am not the only one he, asked for assurances, I am sure, he asked others for assurances and was given them, that there, was nothing to be concerned about, [01.35.10] Mr. DASH, You have also testified, Mr. Dean, that after the President's August 29 speech, and that is the speech of the so-called Dean report of no White House involvement, that you discussed with Mr. Moore. and others the Possibility of your becoming----- [01.35.20-TAPE OUT]
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, June 27, 1973
[00.02.00-DEAN testifying, responding to Sen. GURNEY'S assertion that MAGRUDER had implicated DEAN as having prior knowledge of the Watergate break-in and masterminding the coverup] Mr. DEAN.---when he wanted me to have a very fresh recollection of the, meetings that had occurred in February, or January and February of the preceding year, At that point, in time, I was trying--I said to him--I thought I had gotten a bum rap for being accused of having prior knowledge of this matter and Magruder agreed. And I have submitted a tape--that is a conversation I did record, with a Dictaphone held to the receiver. I happened to have the suggestion from Mr. Haldeman that I do that while I was at Camp David, and I thought it -was a pretty good idea, so you will find that exhibit is one of the ones I submitted'. Senator GURNEY. Of course, what be was saying is that you and he were discussing, I guess, the Watergate and what led up to it and that his I impression was that you were, forgetting, I guess, about the meetings in Mitchell's office, and the discussion -of the electronic bugging and Liddy's plan and all that, sort of thing. Do you recall that at all? Mr. DEAN. I only recall that, I have always told Magruder that I was never clear an what happened between February and June 17. I have repeated that to him on a number of occasions, because I have not--in fact, some of Mr. Magruder's testimony -was a revelation to me. [00.03.40-GURNEY returns to subject of DEAN'S meetings with NIXON.] Senator GURNEY. Let us go to the meeting now of March 21 in the White House, which is a, very important. meeting, of course, with you and the President. That, as I understand it, is 'When you gave him a pretty -complete rundown of the story about the Watergate, is that correct? Mr. DEAN. That is correct. I think I have, stated in my intentions that what, I had seen occurring--I had had earlier conversations. The President had been rather nonchalant in dealing with the $1 million issue. We had discussed on the 13th the fact that he had discussed clemency with Colson and Ehrlichman. I really felt, that, the, President did not, understand the full implications of some of these activities and I did not know if he knew the full involvement of everybody, and I thought that, I should report it. [00.04.44-DEAN alleges that EHRLICHMAN told him NIXON was still being informed of events of the coverup] I also -would like to add one. other thing. On a number of occasions, I asked -Mr. Ehrlichman, particularly after the first of the year, if the President were being kept fully informed still, because he did the same amount of note, taking and the trial was over and things had sort of slowed down as far as the chaos that sometimes was occurring at the White House. Ehrlichman assured me that the, President was being kept regularly posted. [00.05.13-GURNEY wants to suggest that DEAN'S report was the first information that NIXON received, and that DEAN was responsible for keeping NIXON in the dark] Senator GURNEY. On this meeting of the 21st, did you explain to the President, in full all you knew about Watergate? Mr. DEAN. Well, I would not, say it was every detail, because as you know, it has taken me 6 hours to read a statement to this committee, Which is highlights of the, full story. I think I gave--- Senator GURNEY. Could you Summarize briefly for- us the points you touched upon? Mr. DEAN. I think I have, in my testimony summarized those points. If you want me to go through them again. I will. I have taken great care in trying to do that in my testimony. Senator GURNEY. Did you toll him anything about your involvement in Watergate? Mr. DEAN. Yes, sir, I did. And I had on previous occasions, I had tried back as early as the second meeting, I believe, to tell him that I felt that I was involved in obstruction of Justice, particularly after he had told me that I should report to him and made the comment to me that Haldeman and Ehrlichman were principals. That stuck in my mind so very clearly that I thought maybe he did not understand everything that I -was doing. When I raised this with him, I gave him a few of the facts and he, began to debate with me about the fact, that he did not think I had any legal problem based on what I was telling him and I said I did. He did not want, to get into it at that time. I do not know what, was intervened, but, we did not, have an extended discussion. I believe that also came up at, a meeting when Dick Moore was present. Senator GURNEY. Did you talk to him about the coverup money and your involvement in that? Mr. DEAN. In February? Senator GURNEY. No, no, March 21. Mr. DEAN. Yes, I did. Senator GURNEY. You told him all about that? Mr. DEAN. Yes, sir. [00.06.59]
Lawmakers 12/15/1983 - Representative Charles Rangel
House Judiciary Committee Impeachment Hearings of Richard Nixon. Representative Charles Rangel (D New York) I ask the defenders of the President and the President of the United States why is my President talking about paying $120,000 to any common burglar?
LAWMAKERS
PAUL DUKE, LINDA WERTHEIMER, COKIE ROBERTS in studio, DUKE v.o.-on program-SANDRA DAY O'CONNOR confirmation hearings, BUDGET debates in HOUSE, Florida Rep. CLAUDE PEPPER turns 81, fights for SENIOR CITIZEN issues.
LAWMAKERS
Shot of SENATE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE hearing room from back of audience. Close up of Sen. JEREMIAH DENTON (R-Alab.), announcing his opposition to ABORTION as a factor in any consideration he makes. Shot of STROM THURMOND (Whig, South Carolina), interrogating. Shot of Sen. CHARLES MATHIAS (R-MD), asking if O'CONNOR has advocated major revisions of the CONSTITUTION. Shot of Justice FORTAS in legal chamber, says it's inappropriate for the SENATORS to try to pin O'CONNOR to any position she took as an advocating lawyer.