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LAWMAKERS - LM 086 - "News Briefs"
Program host Paul Duke reports on the Senate’s approval of a jobs bill that paves the way to compromise with House of Representatives over unemployment relief. Senate Budget Committee delayed work on a new federal budget since U.S. President Ronald Reagan disapproved of defense cuts. The House has been bogged down over the debate on a nuclear freeze and will continue after the Easter recess. Duke will go more in depth over the nuclear freeze and defense spending issues with U.S. Senator Sam Nunn (D-GA), but first a report on the Congressional debate on the nuclear freeze from National Public Radio reporter Cokie Roberts.
Watergate Hearings, June 25, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean
John Dean. As I have indicated the June 1971 publication of the Pentagon Papers caused general consternation at the White House over the leak problem. On June 29, 1971, the President brought the subject of leaks up in a Cabinet meeting as, a part of a White House orchestrated effort to curtail leaks. As a part of that effort, Mr. Haldeman instructed Mr. Fred Malek, Mr. Larry Higby, Mr. Gordon Strachan, and myself to develop a follow-up strategy for dealing with leaks. Malek and I never took the project very seriously but Strachan and Higby continued to push. I have submitted to the committee, exhibit no. 3, memorandums outlining the project that finally developed in which Mr. Malek was to take charge and Mr. Haldeman was to be brought in as the Lord High Executioner when a leak was uncovered. The committee will note from the documents which I have submitted that the project was to complement and not compete with the plumbers unit. To the best of my knowledge this project never uncovered the source of a single leak.
July 29, 1994 - Part 2
(12:15:25) In February, facing a recusal decision by Mr Altman, the White House was concerned that RTC attorney Ellen Kulka might be too "tough" in pursuing RTC's civil claims related to Whitewater. In order to avoid this tough litigator, the White House considered whether it might be preferable to have Special Prosecutor Robert Fiske take over the RTC civil investigation. In late February, White House officials, alarmed that the former U.S. Attorney, Jay Stephens, bad been retained by the RTC to conduct its civil investigation of Whitewater, had a series of contacts with Treasury and RTC officials to see if he could be replaced. The facts refute the suggestion that these contacts can be dismissed as simply blowing off steam. In short, these matters raise serious questions that demand full and honest answers. What relation, if any, exists between Ms. Casey's nomination as U.S. Attorney in Little Rock and the White House's knowledge that the RTCs criminal referrals regarding Madison Guaranty would be sent to that office? Why did Ms. Casey not recuse herself from the outset from matters relating to Whitewater? Why were the RTC's criminal referrals to the Justice Department leaked to the White House? Did the White House exert any influence to control the scope of authority to be given to the Special Prosecutor? Has the White House attempted to use the Special Prosecutor for its own ends? Overarching all of these questions, of course, is the question of whether Administration officials have been honest in informing Congress and the American people of what really happened. Finally, let me just say-let me note it is not the role of the Committee to act as a rubber stamp for the Special Counsel or for Special Counsel Fiske's conclusions. We have conducted our own investigation and, frankly, in a lot of respects, we have uncovered a lot more in 5 weeks than Special Counsel Fiske uncovered in 6 months. So let's focus on the evidence before the Committee. Now, finally, I would like to say this with regard to the Foster part of this. Pursuant to Resolution 229, this Committee was instructed by the Senate: To conduct hearings into whether improper conduct occurred regarding the Park Police investigation into the death of Vincent Foster. I know this has to be a terrible ordeal for the Foster family and my heart goes out to them. It is unfortunate that the tragic events of last summer must be the subject of conjecture. The Senate has instructed this Committee to review this matter, and I commend Senator Riegle and Senator D'Amato for their willingness to comply with the Senate's instructions. This is a disagreeable facet of Washington life and I want to express my remorse to Mrs. Foster and the children and friends. Accordingly, I want to be clear on one point. There is absolutely no credible evidence to contradict the Fiske Report's conclusion that Vincent Foster took his own life and it, happened at Fort Marcy Park. There is no credible evidence to the contrary. I suspect conspiracy theorists will always differ with this conclusion and lit 39 tle this Committee does is going to muffle their speculation Nonetheless the Committee may ponder whether bad Mr. Fiske been somewhat more assiduous in investigating the cause of Mr. Foster's depression, some of the added speculation we have witnessed in recent weeks would not have surfaced. The conclusion of Mr. Fiske that there is no evidence involving issues of Whitewater were a factor in Mr. Foster's death is tenuous. The Majority's reluctance to fully examine this issue is unfortunate. But in all honesty, I just want to make it clear that the conclusion is correct. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. The CHAIRMAN. Senator Moseley-Braun.
LAWMAKERS - LM 146 - "Central America Policy"
Show host Paul Duke introduces report on the Central America policy debate in the U.S. House of Representatives. Newly-elected Salvadorean President José Napoleón Duarte entering Congressional Committee chamber, shaking hands; lights and cameras set up. Duke (VO) explains the purpose of Duarte’s visit, what aid was approved and rejected. House minority leader Robert Michel argues it's wrong to encourage the Contras to fight "tyranny," then pull the plug on aid. Representative William Broomfield (R-MI) argues the U.S. is obligated to follow through on promises. Rep. Michael Barnes (D-MD) argues the public is clearly opposed to sending military aid to Contras. Rep. Michael Shannon (D-MA) argues the U.S. should stand for peace, justice, and self-determination in world, but America’s Nicaraguan policy flies in the face of those principles and values. Duke, back in the studio, says the House vote was strongly against Contra aid, suggesting the House is opposed to C.I.A. activities in Nicaragua. The House also voted to ban the use of American soldiers in Central America.
Budget Reconciliation Act 1981 Debate
U.S. House of Representatives chamber; U.S. House Rep. Del Latta (R-OH) speaking: "Let me say that I think that is grossly unfair. I think the American people think it's unfair. It's unfair to the President of the United States, who has a commitment from all the people, all the people of this country, to turn the economy of this country around and to get us on the upward track once again." Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill (D-MA) states Rep. Latta's time has expired and turns to Rep. Leo Zeferetti (D-NY) who recognizes the Chairman of the Budget Committee, Rep. James Jones (D-OK) comes to the House floor; adult Caucasian and African American male and female clerks seated at House rostrum in BG, Speaker O'Neill seated at Speaker's platform. Rep. Jones states that he rises to change his previous position, to seek support from undecided colleagues, and to explain what made him change his mind; starting with a history of his involvement in the reconciliation process.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee Hearings on Presidential Campaign Activities, May 17, 1973 - Testimony of Sergeant Paul Leeper
Senator Ed GURNEY (R-Florida) Sergeant did you or any of the other police in the station house find out how these lawyers knew these people were there, under your custody? Sergeant LEEPER. No sir, I believe when they came in, I didn't talk to them when they came in, but I understand they said to the station clerk, the first police officer they had contact with, "We're here to represent the five men that are locked up". Senator GURNEY. But no one asked them who advised them? Sergeant LEEPER. No, the officer didn't, he should have asked them at that time, what are their names, but he didn't, he just referred them to assistant chief Wright ?, who talked to them on. Senator GURNEY. Did you ever find out who did call them? Sergeant LEEPER. No sir. Senator GURNEY. No further questions Mr. Chairman.
Capitol Journal - Baltimore Colts Relocation
Host, Hodding Carter discusses Congressional committee s potential influence in professional sports.
CDF on Tax Cut Plan
Conservative Democratic Forum (CDF) members, Reps. Gillespie "Sonny" Montgomery (D-MS), Kent Hance (D-TX), Carroll Hubbard (D-KY), and Phil Gramm (D-TX), stand behind podium; U.S. House Representative Charles Stenholm (D-TX) takes questions from adult men and women, off camera. Male reporter asks if "triggering" was discussed and Stenholm says no. Man asks about Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill's (D-MA) willingness to compromise and Stenholm believes that Chairman of House Ways and Means Committee, Dan Rostenkowski (D-IL) is more willing to do so than the Speaker. Rep. Hubbard adds that the President wants a compromise and does not want the Kemp-Roth tax plan, so the Democrats may be doing the President a favor by compromising. Stenholm answers question on compromise by stating that the first priority of the CDF is to make a deal with the Democratic leadership of the House that the President can also agree with.
Rep. King Asks For Repeal Of Tax On Movies
Rep. King Asks For Repeal Of Tax On Movies: Main street and ticket window at unknown movie theater. (Audio not throughout) Rep. Cecil King of California, a leading democrat on The House Ways and Means committee, says that with public support congress can repeal the twenty percent excise taxes applied now on movie tickets. ("Help repeal the 20% Federal tax YOU PAY now on your movie ticket - sign up in the lobby".)
Equal Pay
on preview cassette #98561 A Shot of reporter standing in front of the Ohio State House. He states that the Senate Elections Committee has effectively stalled any further action on the equal rights amendment. While the amendment is on hold, lawmakers are looking for other bills designed to clean-up the descrimination between the sexes. Various shots of the Ohio State Senate in session. The topic of discussion is equal pay for men and women.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 25, 1973 - Statement of John Dean.
It was during the, afternoon of March 20 that I talked again with Dick Moore about the entire coverup. I told Moore that, there, were new and more threatening demands for support money. I told him that Hunt had sent a message to me through Paul O'Brien that he wanted $72,000 for living expenses and $50,000 for attorney's fees and if he did not receive it that week, he would reconsider his options and have a lot to say about the seamy things he had done for Ehrlichman while at the White House. I told Moore that I had about reached the end of the line and was now in a position to deal with the President to end the coverup. I did not discuss with Moore the fact that I had discussed money and clemency with the President earlier but I told him that I really didn't think the President understood all of the facts involved in the Watergate and particularly the implications of those facts. I told him that the matter was continually compounding itself and I felt, that I had to lay the facts out for the President as well as the implication of those facts. Moore encouraged me to do so.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, Testimony of James W McCord (Jim McCord)
My response was that I would not even discuss Executive clemency or pleading guilty and remaining silent, but I was glad to talk with him, so that there was no misunderstanding on anyone's part about it. I might explain that the trial was going on during this period, this was the first week of the trial which began on January 8. Caulfield stated that he was carrying the message of Executive clemency to me "from the very highest levels of the White House." He stated that the President of the United States was in Key Biscayne, Florida that weekend, referring to the weekend following January 8, following meeting that we were in then, that the President had been told of the forthcoming meeting with me and would be immediately told of the results of the meeting. Senator Sam Ervin (D North Carolina). Now the same rule previously announced that this evidence is competent to show what, if anything, John Caulfield did to induce Mr. McCord to plead guilty and keep silent-it is not any evidence at the present state of the hearing that connects or that makes any indication whatever and has any relevancy as to the President. James McCord. Precisely, yes sir.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 25, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean.
John Dean. I do not recall when actually I received the first written information from the FBI, but I believe it was after the 21st of July when I received a summary report that had been prepared on the investigation to that stage. I would also like to now summarize to the bottom of the page and indicate that when Samuel Dash, attorney. Bottom of page 72. John Dean. 72 correct. And indicate that after I did get possession of the documents, the FBI files, I found them not very meaningful. And later Mr. Mardian, Mr. Parkinson, Mr. O'Brien came over to my office and read the reports. They all reached the same conclusion. And I recall Mardian's reaction was that the documents indicated that the investigation was too vigorous and he was quite critical of Gray and asked me to call Gray to slow down but I never made such a call. Summarizing the first paragraph on page 73. I d also note that that I never showed any of these reports to any persons who were interviewed by the FBI and they were only given to Mr. Dick Moore of the White House Staff when he was working on the Segretti matter for Mr. Ehrlichman and Mr. Haldeman.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 26, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean.
Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). Why would the President be so concerned about Mr. Haldeman and Mr. Ehrlichman spending so much time away from their normal duties on Watergate if his people were not involved and he had no knowledge of any involvement on the part of his people or anyone in the White House? John Dean. Well sir, I happen to believe that he did have knowledge. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). Would you say that because he had this knowledge he was expressing concern about the time expended by Mr. Ehrlichman and Mr. Haldeman on this affair? John Dean. I would think that by that time I had earned my stripes, so to speak, as capable of handling the coverup on my own. And that I no longer needed to have the daily reporting with Ehrlichman and Haldeman as to what I should do and how I should handle things. And that was the reason for the request that I report directly to him and get guidance from him. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). In other words, it was your feeling as we say in the West that you had earned your spurs? John Dean. Yes, Sir. [Laughter.]
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 26, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean.
Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). What motivated you to tell Mr. Caulfield that he in turn, tell Mr. McCord that the promise of immunity was coming from the very top at the White House? John Dean. Because of Mr. Caulfield's concern that it would take a statement of that nature to persuade Mr. McCord as to the authenticity and sincerity of the offer of clemency. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). What authority did you have or what background did you muster in justification for making this statement to Mr. Caulfield? John Dean. On the 5th, as I recall it was, of January, after Mr. Colson had talked to Mr. Bittman he called a meeting in Mr. Ehrlichman's office and reported how he had handled the offer of clemency, the assurances of clemency to Mr. Hunt. At that meeting I said to Mr. Ehrlichman, I said "The word will get out to the others that this offer has been made and can I assume that this also applies to the others?" And he said, "Yes, of course you can." It was from that and then when Mr. Mitchell asked me to make sure that Mr. McCord had the same assurances, that I took my action.
Watergate Hearings: Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities June 26, 1973 - Testimony of John Dean.
Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). Did Mr. Mitchell Indicate to you that he had assurances from the White House at the time? John Dean. No, but he was quite aware of the fact that the assurances had been given from the President as a result of conversations that he had had with me and with Mr. O'Brien who was aware of the procedure that had occurred. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). How did Mr. O'Brien know about these assurances? Who had communicated these assurances to him? John Dean. I informed him of the procedure that had gone on and he was aware of the fact that Colson had given assurances to Mr. Bittman who, in turn had given them to Mr. Hunt. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). And did Mr. Colson communicate these assurances also or the content of these assurances to Mr. Mitchell so that he could, in turn, endorse what you were doing? John Dean. I don't believe Mr. Colson talked to Mr. Mitchell at all about it, no, sir. Senator Joseph Montoya (D New Mexico). In other words, Mr. Mitchell knew because he had heard from you that these assurances had been given. Is that it?
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Committee Deputy Chief Counsel Gary T. Cornwell continuing to take testimony of Professor Mark Weiss and Ernest Aschenasy on acoustic analysis of the Dallas Police audio transmission tape from the assassination. Weiss discusses additional information needed to be gathered in addition to the acoustic analysis of Dealey Plaza by Dr. James E. Barger. Weiss says his team needed to know where the sources of sound were and have some idea of where a shooter might have been, by all indications the Grassy Knoll. Weiss says they also needed to know locations of reflective surfaces for echoes. Weiss had to know where the police motorcycle that recorded the audio was positioned, and was likely in the proximity of the microphone that picked up the strongest matching pattern in Dr. Barger’s tests-- between a shot from the Knoll and impulses on the police tape recording. Weiss says the sound velocity also needed to be determined. Weiss discusses the speed of the tape recorder being about 5 percent slow.
CONGRESS: WE THE PEOPLE
15.59.53-Sketch of a filibustering Senator on the floor. V.O.-Sen. Allen learned to get around the "cloture" rules by offering incessant amendments to a bill. Shot of Strom THURMOND, says that this tactic is underhanded because it subverts the will of the 60% of Senators who properly vote to limit debate. Sen. HOWARD METZENBAUM (D-OH) says there need to be changes in Filibuster rules. Political scientist says that Senators want to expedite debate because their sessions are spreading out to take up vacation time. DO NOT USE: Clip of "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington", radio announcer describes the unusual activities of "Senator Smith". Clip of Jimmy Stewart on the verge of collapse, pledging to keep up the filibuster. 16.02.39-Ornstein/Newman-discussion of the general use of filibusters by all ideological persuasions, Senate feeling need to change rules to get things done. In the House, rules of debate are more formalized. Describes different rules regarding the amendment process. Newman describes the tortuous history of "Nuclear Freeze" legislation. Rep. SAM STRATTON (D-NY) asks for extra time to debate the Nuclear Freeze bill. Rep. CLAUDE PEPPER (D-FL), chair of the Rules Committee, denies the Armed Services Committee's request for special recognition in debate. Rep. JOE MOAKLEY (D-MA) says that Stratton is out of line to ask for this recognition since his committee didn't originate the bill. Shot of Rep. CLEMENT ZABLOCKI (D-WI) in Rules Committee hearing, says that his committee, Foreign Affairs, will give equal time to Nuclear Freeze opponents, so Stratton shouldn't get special treatment. V.O.-the proponents of NUCLEAR FREEZE got what they wanted from RULES COMMITTEE. 16.07.10
CONGRESS: WE THE PEOPLE - "Senator Sam Nunn"
U.S. Senator Sam Nunn (D-GA) in office, says he favors a deliberative method rather than making headlines. Edwin Newman (VO) notes this approach has earned him a plethora of supporters. U.S. House Representative Newt Gingrich (R-GA) in office, says he doesn't think there are twenty Senators who can match up to Sen. Nunn and, if he keeps growing, there may not be a half dozen in his league. U.S. Senator and Former Chairman of the Armed Services Committee John Stennis (D-MS) in office, says some Senators swell and some grow; thinks Sen. Nunn has grown into a leadership role in Senate. Sen. Nunn in office, says he doesn't consider himself the most knowledgeable about defense and thinks there are others who know more than he does but he'll accept the credit being given to him.
JFK Assassination Hearings - Larry Sturdivan (Conclusion)
Chairman Stokes asks if previous to this hearing Sturdivan had interviewed with the committee staff about the deformation of bullet 399.
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations Chief Counsel G. Robert Blakey introduces evidence JFK exhibits F-155 ( enlarged photo marking filming position of Abraham Zapruder and President John F. Kennedy’s motorcade) and F-646 (copy of Zapruder’s Warren Commission Deposition). Zapruder was questioned by Warren Commission Counsel Wesley Lieber. Zapruder did not have any impression of which directions the shots came from but thought they may have come from behind him. Zapruder did agree with Lieber that the shots could have come from any direction and there was no way of knowing at the time. Zapruder could not, at first, identify the first shot due to the echo, but could clearly identify the second shot by sound.
LAWMAKERS
00.26.25-Shots of DINGELL on committee bench, Shot of audience in hearing. DUKE v.o. disc. of progress of the legislation.
JFK Assassination HSCA Hearings
House Select Committee on Assassinations hearing on the assassination of U.S. President John F. Kennedy, Committee Chief Counsel G. Robert Blakey discussing witness accounts of bullets striking different points in Dealey Plaza: two witnesses said they saw bullets striking the pavement on Elm St. Blakey introduces JFK exhibit F-649, statement by Royce Skelton to Dallas County Sheriff Department. Skelton was standing with Austin Miller on train trestle that crosses Elm Street; Skelton heard what he thought was fireworks and saw something hit the pavement at the rear of President Kennedy’s car. JFK’s car got into right-hand lane and Skelton heard two more shots. Skelton then heard a fourth shot and saw the bullet hit the pavement in the left or middle lane. Blakey introduces JFK exhibit F-650, Royce Skelton’s testimony before the Warren Commission; Skelton said he saw smoke rise from the pavement where a bullet hit, and he had thought the gunfire came from the area of the presidential limousine. Skelton saw a bullet hit on the cement at the left-front of JFK’s car. Skelton said he saw smoke from the southwest in line with the Texas School Book Depository.
July 18, 1995 - Part 1
(09:50:46) Finally, the hearings will address the discovery by White House officials of a torn, undated page of writing by Vincent Foster that was eventually located in his briefcase in the White House office. White House witnesses have maintained that on Monday, July 26, an Associate White House Counsel accidentally found this torn-up note in the briefcase while packing the contents of Mr. Foster's office. But, here again, there is a difference in testimony. There is evidence that at least two White House lawyers actually saw the torn paper in Vincent Foster's briefcase 4 days earlier on July 22 and that they kept this discovery to themselves, The Committee will want to ask when did White House Counsel Nussbaum and his staff first learn of the existence of the torn-up note? Why was the note not discovered during the search that Mr. Nussbaum conducted on July 22 when he opened the briefcase and removed documents from within it? After the note was removed from the briefcase on July 26, why did the White House wait another 24 hours before notifying law enforcement officials? These questions and others will arise during the testimony and documentary evidence presented to the Committee during these hearings. In the final analysis, the Members of the Committee will have to judge whether anyone improperly handled the Foster documents or interfered in the police's investigation during the days following Vincent Foster's death. These are very important questions. We owe it to the American people not to prejudge any facts. We must be fair, impartial and thorough. We must be committed to the pursuit of truth. That's the American way; that's what we intend to do. I'll now turn to Senator Mack. OPENING STATEMENT OF SENATOR CONNIE MACK Senator MACK. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. The central question I intend to focus on for the next 3 weeks is going to be why the White House seemed so desperate to get into Foster's off-ice and re 6 retrieve the White-water files and why they can't give us the full story now. In December 1993, they told us that any records taken from Foster's office were made available to Park Police investigators for review. At the same time, they stated that no documents related-to Whitewater were contained in the inventory of items found in Foster's office. Only last week White House officials allowed reporters to review the 71-page Whitewater Development file that officials removed from Foster's office after his death. A White House official said last Tuesday that the file was the only Whitewater material in Foster's office. That's this 71 pages. That was the only Whitewater material in Foster's office. Later last week White House officials began leaking handwritten notes of Vince Foster. They claimed the reason they hadn't given them over sooner was because the notes referred to the Clintons' tax records rather than Whitewater. The White House claimed reporters misunderstood if they thought the White House was showing them every document related to Whitewater that Foster had in his office when they handed over the first 71 pages. They're still only giving us half the story. Let me show you what a partial stack of the real Whitewater file looks like. This is a partial stack. Just a few days ago we were told that this was the entire Whitewater file. These papers were provided to the Committee by David Kendall, the President's personal lawyer, and they only represented a portion of what the White House gave him. He and the White House maintained that we are not entitled to all the files removed; some are privileged. Senator Hatch will get into that issue later. What I intend to explore is the fact that this is much more than just an innocuous set of documents as claimed by the White House. This pile of documents raises some serious questions about why Whitewater mattered so much back then and why it matters now. We have already established that Vince Foster was intimately involved in the Clintons' personal finances and that other White House officials were well aware of this involvement. Those same officials were very concerned that a Federal investigation into Foster's death might uncover the evidence we now possess. That evidence is Vince Foster's handwritten notes detailing his own concerns about a number of things. First, the difficulty of filing truthful tax return, for the President and the First Lady; second, Foster's fear of an audit of the First Couple's tax returns; and third, the First Lady's possible involvement in covering losses at Madison Guaranty,